"The Russian media are widely seen to be increasingly controlled by the government. Leaders buy up dissenting television channels and pour money in as fast as it haemorrhages out. As a result, TV news has become narrower in scope and in the range of viewpoints which it reflects: leaders demand assim
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ilation and shut down dissenting stations. Using original and extensive focus group research and new developments in cognitive theory, Ellen Mickiewicz unveils a profound mismatch between the complacent assumption of Russian leaders that the country will absorb their messages, and the viewers on the other side of the screen. This is the first book to reveal what the Russian audience really thinks of its news and the mental strategies they use to process it. The focus on ordinary people, rather than elites, makes a strong contribution to the study of post-communist societies and the individual's relationship to the media." (Publisher description)
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"Der als Revolution in Orange bezeichnete Widerstand Ende 2004 bot auch die Chance für eine einschneidende Veränderung der staatlichen Strukturen in der Ukraine. Eine Entwicklung hin zu einer demokratischen Gesellschaftsordnung, die mit konsolidierten Demokratien Ostmitteleuropas vergleichbar wär
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e, erscheint möglich. Eine herausragende Rolle bei einem solchen Transformationsprozess spielen die Massenmedien. Ihre Unabhängigkeit stärkt die Bestrebungen nach mehr Demokratie. Doch trotz der Lösung von der Vorherrschaft Russlands ist es der Ukraine bislang nicht gelungen, unabhängige Massenmedien zu etablieren. Systematischen Lenkungsversuche beherrschen nach wie vor die Medienpolitik. Die Massenmedien und der Grad der Pressefreiheit stehen im Mittelpunkt der Fallstudie. Ausgehend von den politischen Ereignissen im Jahr 2004 untersucht die Autorin die Entwicklung der Pressefreiheit vor und nach der Revolution. Sie prüft die Berichterstattung in vier ukrainischen Zeitungen und vergleicht bzw. ergänzt die Ergebnisse mit Aussagen von ukrainischen Journalisten." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Le président brésilien Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva n’a jamais eu de relations faciles avec la presse de son pays. Cette dernière a en effet appuyé, en grande majorité, le coup d’État qui a mené à la dictature militaire (1964-1985), et mis, depuis le rétablissement de la démocratie, tou
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te son énergie au service des candidats conservateurs. Cela n’a pas empêché finalement Lula de l’emporter en 2002, et d’être réélu en 2006, les deux fois avec un nombre record de suffrages. Cet ouvrage met l’accent sur le rôle d’acteur politique que joue la presse au Brésil, avec ses intérêts propres, y compris économiques, même lorsqu’ils sont dissimulés sous le manteau des grands principes démocratiques (« l’indépendance du quatrième pouvoir », « l’intérêt public », etc.). Publiant des témoignages inédits provenant des coulisses du gouvernement et des rédactions, Giancarlo Summa montre comment un leader charismatique, qui gouverne au nom des intérêts matériels et symboliques de la majorité défavorisée de la population, parvient à rompre le blocus des médias traditionnels. Le choix du président d’une communication directe (meetings, messages télévisés, Internet, recours à la presse locale et aux radios communautaires, etc.) lui a permis assurément de contourner le monopole médiatique des grands groupes commerciaux. Cependant Lula a renoncé à mettre sur pied une véritable politique de communication susceptible de remettre en question les intérêts structurels de ces grandes compagnies et de favoriser la création de médias alternatifs d’importance." (Dos de couverture)
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"The purpose of this handbook is to lay out some principles that could function as guideposts for journalists in Afghanistan as they seek to grapple with the evolving complexities of democracy in action. It seeks to provide concrete suggestions on how global best practices in political reporting and
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election coverage could be adapted for the Afghanistan context. Interactions between the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and the Afghan Independent Journalists Association (AIJA) have arrived at several conclusions about current media awareness of the democratic electoral process. Journalists find they have little access to the inner workings of the electoral process. They think that political leaders do not want to face journalists who ask difficult questions. The referee of the electoral process, the Independent Election Commission established under the constitution of Afghanistan, also is in need of media oversight, as are the election observers deployed by international agencies. Journalists are keen to join debate about the most appropriate pattern of electoral democracy for Afghanistan, in terms of assessing the presidential and the parliamentary system, and all the variants on these basic models. Journalists want an agreed charter of rights regarding their powers of scrutiny over the electoral process, so that they can report irregularities that ordinary people and public authorities can then seek to correct. Journalists want to understand better the principles of neutral and non-partisan reporting. In the specific situation of past and present conflict in Afghanistan, journalists want to understand how they can expand the limits of “safe reporting”, particularly in relation to the influence and coercive power wielded by erstwhile “warlords." (Introduction, page 3)
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"The findings from this research reveal the complexity of delivering journalism training and the challenges involved in capturing evidence of impact. Content analysis is a useful tool for measuring change in media output. It can both inform training delivery and provide evidence of improvements to o
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utput after training has taken place. The detailed and systematic collection and analysis of data can detect subtle changes in content, presentation of output and production elements that might not be captured by other research techniques. Although content analysis provides evidence that the output has changed it may not necessarily be a direct result of the intervention. Content analysis records media output - it does not measure the situation under which the news is produced. For example, during the training period managers might have introduced editorial guidelines or style guides to the organisation independently of the training intervention. Changes in output might be attributable to the actions of management rather than the training experience. Content analysis is also limited to measuring changes to output only – not to the skills acquired by particular trainees. For example, a trainer worked with the news room team to produce a radio package - at the last minute the management refused to broadcast the piece due to editorial policy. Although the improved content was not broadcast, and therefore not included in the content analysis, journalists acquired skills in the production process." (Research learnings, page 8)
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"[...] This authoritative book answers key questions about the connections between media and political change in the Arab world. Using research into, for example, practices of Internet users, journalists, demonstrators and producers of reality TV, it explores the interface between public interaction
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over the airwaves, at the polls and on the streets. A lively group of contributors explores such issues as whether young people are served well by new media, whether blogging is an influential political tool, whether satellite news helps or hinders diasporic communities politically, and much more." (Publisher description)
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"The Palestinian media, taken as a whole, generally offered voters a variety of views concerning the campaign. Respect of legal provisions for free airtime on the public TV and radio, as well as televised debates and talk shows, permitted parties and candidates to convey messages to the electorate.
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Outside the free time, however, Palestine TV and Voice of Palestine, through news coverage, favoured the incumbents and their candidates. In contrast to the news coverage by public media, the two popular pan-Arab networks monitored by Filastiniyat, Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya, provided more balanced coverage, with a greater diversity of views. In its news programmes, Watan TV clearly favoured Mustafa Barghouthi and his party list Independent Palestine. The time granted on Watan, Al Arabiya and Al Jazeera for all the contesting parties, was a positive public service by the three private broadcasters. The print media provided a plurality of views, generally with coverage of Fatah being most dominant. The legal framework regulating media coverage during the election campaign remains inadequate. Majority of interlocutors placed restrictions to the freedom of movement for journalists at the forefront of concerns in Palestine." (Executive summary)
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"This Course Handbook has been produced to accompany the URN Advanced Radio Journalism Course, which is being run throughout Uganda for freelance radio journalists in 2005 and 2006. The Handbook, which follows the day-by-day course programme, contains transcripts of PowerPoint presentations plus add
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itional supporting material. It is important to note that the material presented in text boxes represents the PowerPoint presentations and can only be properly understood in the context of the course itself." (Introduction)
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