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Weaponising the law: Threats to media freedom in Kenya

Lawrence Mute, Andrew Songa

Thomson Reuters Foundation (2026), 55 pp.

"This report presents a comprehensive analysis of the legal threats to media freedom in Kenya today. For the purposes of this report, weaponisation of the law is defined as the deliberate use or misuse of legal provisions and processes to intimidate, silence, or economically weaken media actors. Des ... pite robust constitutional safeguards for freedom of expression and of the media, as well as a vibrant media sector, Kenya continues to experience setbacks in the realisation of these rights, alongside improvements in some areas. This report follows the global Weaponizing the Law: Attacks on Media Freedom report, published in 2023, by providing a country-specific analysis of the Kenyan context. Informed by an initial desktop review of relevant laws, regulations and court decisions, the research included an industry survey and focus group discussions, which identified six primary categories of legal threats: the abuse of court processes; regressive and disabling legislation; weak implementation of media laws; technology-facilitated harms; impunity and safety of journalists; the sustainability of the media industry. This report presents these threats thematically rather than in order of severity, reflecting the fact that they do not occur in isolation, but intersect with broader patterns of political influence, intimidation, and pressure from certain private actors. Together, they undermine independent journalism and weaken the long-term sustainability of the media sector. Our survey found that 42% of media actors in Kenya have faced legal threats in response to their work, including litigation, arrest, and the shutting down of online platforms. A summary of these key threats is outlined below. Moreover, 65% of media professionals who responded to our survey highlighted legal protections as their top support need to ensure the sustainability of journalism in Kenya. Throughout the research and across the six categories of threats documented in this report, three cross-cutting themes have emerged: 1. Legal tools are increasingly used to punish, deter, or delegitimise critical journalism. 2. Institutional weaknesses, such as inconsistent implementation and limited enforcement, undermine the effectiveness of legal protections already on the books. 3. Rapid technological change is outpacing the law, leaving journalists exposed to new risks ranging from AI-driven market disruptions to technology-facilitated gender-based violence. These issues are not unique to the Kenyan context; the solutions will lie in collaborative action that harnesses the expertise of a breadth of stakeholders across the media freedom ecosystem within the country and region." (Executive summary) more

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Regulating New Media in Africa: Politics, Law and Governance

Vincent Obia, Sulayman Bah, Yemisi Akinbobola, Oliver Carter (eds.)

Intellect (2026), xxviii, 241 pp.

"Drawing on a Global South perspective, 'Regulating New Media in Africa' offers valuable contributions to broader debates on media regulation, sovereignty, and internet governance. As one of the few books focused exclusively on the governance of new media across the African continent, it offers a ti ... more

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The Architecture of Media Capture: Typologies, Global Patterns, and the Tech Threat

Marius Dragomir

Tallinn; London: Media Journalism Research Center (MJRC) (2026), 29 pp.

"Media capture, the systematic subordination of news media to the political and commercial interests of ruling elites, has become one of the defining governance crises of the 21st century. Where the 20th century’s threats to press freedom were primarily those of outright censorship and state-contr ... more

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Potenciar la palabra: El FOMECA como política pública de fomento a los medios comunitarios en Argentina (2013-2023)

Diego Martín Jaimes

Quito: CIESPAL, 2da ed. (2026), 344 pp.

"Este libro da cuenta: • de las posibilidades reales de una comunidad organizada y estratégica: el Foro Argentino de Radios Comunitarias, su relación con otras organizaciones populares, su capacidad de articular con espacios universitarios, el espliegue nacional popular y latinoamericano de sus ... activistas y la clara convicción de incidir en las políticas públicas. Prueba de esto, es el trabajo que esa red de medios populares ha desarrollado en torno de la sanción de la Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual 26522 sancionada en el año 2009 durante el gobierno presidido por la Dra. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Esta ley se constituyó en un marco para el desarrollo del sector de los medios populares, alternativos y comunitarios, incluyó a las universidades públicas, la escuela pública, los pueblos originarios, y promovió la creación de nuevos contenidos y empleo en la industria audiovisual argentina, entre otras cualidades en materia de políticas de comunicación; • del impacto que en los medios comunitarios y en el mismo Esatado, tiene una fuerte participación de estos en la co creación de políticas públicas, tengase en cuenta que FARCO ha sido unos de los actores fundamentales en la elaboración de la Ley 26522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual, en la articulación con sindicatos y organizaciones populares, partidos políticos y en la articulación con las universidades nacionales en materia de estrategias políticas y de formación; • de la importancia de fortalecer las políticas del denominado Fondo de Fomento Concursable -FOMECA- y al mismo tiempo ser destinatarias sus emisoras populares distribuidas en todo el territorio argentino. De su incidencia real cuando las administraciones gubernamentales priorizan la comunicación con enfoque de derechos y cuando no. Es más, diría, que este trabajo investigativo deja claro cuáles son las que favorecen al sector social de la comunicación y cuáles no; • da cuenta de una epistemología del hacer y gestionar, de administrar y de proceder estratégicamente, por sobre todo explica criterios y posibilidades para producir políticas de comunicación absolutamente posibles cuando hay decisión política real. Tiene a su vez la virtud, de destacar con perspectiva crítica y rigurosa aquello que está descuidado en su implementación, y que transformado las proyecciones podrán ser favorables." (Prólogo, páginas 18-19) more

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The Expanding Media Landscape, Decline in Journalists' Safety, and Low Media Literacy. The Future of the Media in Kosovo – Facts and Trends

Jeton Mehmeti

Sarajevo; Pristina; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Press Council of Kosovo; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 32 pp.

"Kosovo enjoys a relatively good legal framework when it comes to the protection of freedom of expression and freedom of the media. Laws concerning protection of journalism sources, protection of whistleblowers, and access to public information appear to be in line with European standards. The overa ... more

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El derecho a la no desinformación: Un nuevo derecho en Bolivia

Erick R. Torrico Villanueva

La Paz: Universidad Mayor de San Andrés (UMSA); Instituto de Investigación, Posgrado e Interacción Social en Comunicación (IpiCOM) (2025), 148 pp.

"Asumiendo a la democracia como un sistema fundado en la vigencia de derechos y leyes, este libro aborda el tema de la desinformación desde la perspectiva de los derechos humanos y, dentro de ella, de los que competen a la información y la comunicación, para bosquejar una estrategia inédita de e ... more

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Vulnerable Media, Struggling Democracy: A Critical Appraisal of Uganda’s Media Legal Framework

African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME) (2025), 38 pp.

"This report presents an in-depth examination of Uganda’s media legal and regulatory framework, with a particular focus on its implications for press freedom, democratic engagement, and the overarching vitality of the media sector. The findings reveal a disconcerting trend: although constitutional ... more

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End Term evaluation of the Media Council of Tanzania (MCT) programme support 2018-2024. Final report

Greg Moran, Marko Gideon

Sundbyberg: Swedish International Development Agency (Sida) (2025), x, 59, 28 pp.

"The Media Council of Tanzania (MCT) was established in 1995 as a self-regulatory body to oversee and promote media ethics and resolve complaints over media practice. MCT’s activities have since expanded to include training and advocacy on laws, policies, and protecting key rights for the media. S ... more

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Deprived Media Market, Lw Ethical Standards, Need for Effective Legislation. The Future of the Media in North Macedonia – Facts and Trends

Vesna Nikodinoska, Tamara Chausidis

Sarajevo; Skopje; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Macedonian Institute for Media; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 41 pp.

"The following conclusions can be drawn from the data analysis: • The socio-economic status of journalists should be continuously advanced via improvement of working conditions in newsrooms and greater acknowledgement of labour rights on the part of media owners and the state. • Rapid technologi ... cal and information changes impose the need for adapting the ethical and professional standards to the new digital environment, as well as creating specific guidelines for the media and journalists in terms of the use of artificial intelligence. • The interest of young people in studies in journalism, communications, and media is drastically decreasing due to the weak link between studies with the labour market, the poor economic situation in media, and the inherent risks to this profession. It is necessary to modernize the study programmes and curricula which should be in line with the newly emerging environment, as well as making it possible to interlink with the media industry. • Disinformation and non-compliance with ethical standards are often evident in online media, thus there is already a wide discussion in the media community about the legal definition of the status and functioning of the online media. • Ownership transparency in broadcast media is at a high level, which is not the case in internet media, as the latter are outside the legal scope. The legal solution for pluralism in media ownership does not correspond to the new digital environment, therefore changes are needed that will enable development of the media market and industry consolidation. • Funds from the state budget for paid political advertising during elections and public interest campaigns have increased in recent years and represent a significant source of funding for many media outlets. The above increases media dependence on state funds, as well as the possibility of corruption and media clientelism. • Professional media organizations and the civil sector support the idea of establishing a fund for the development of media pluralism, to serve as an independent mechanism for developing projects and contents of public interest. Such approach will encourage diversity, quality, and independence in the media industry. • In the media landscape, there are not enough media and/or programmes that represent ethnic groups, marginalized groups, and persons with disabilities, while non-profit media is one of the most underdeveloped segments therein. Trust in institutions, including in the media, is very low, due to the high level of systemic corruption, disinformation, non-transparency, and weak effectiveness of institutions. • Media literacy is included in formal education as a systemic approach to teaching, but awareness of its importance should be promoted more among all age groups and segments of society. • Transparent and efficient policies, comprehensive analyses, and overarching strategies are needed to cover all segments of the media market, including the digital sphere. The limited media market adversely affects the economic situation of the media, resulting in a lack of evident development of pluralism, diversity, and independence of the media in the audiovisual media sphere." (Executive summary, pages 4-5) more

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A New Era or Error? Community Radio Licensing in Zimbabwe: Issues, Dynamics, and Sustainability Challenges

Makhosi Nkanyiso Sibanda, Buhle Nkomo

Journal of Radio & Audio Media, volume 32, issue 1 (2025), pp. 24-47

"The Zimbabwean government has been criticized across scholarship for its lack of sincerity in ensuring media plurality, especially in the radio broadcasting sector. In 2020, when community radio stations were granted licenses for the first-time in the post-Mugabe era, the Mnangagwa-led government w ... more

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More Media, Rising Challenges for Journalists. The Future of the Media in Montenegro – Facts and Trends

Milica Bogdanovic

Sarajevo; Skopje; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Montenegro Media Institute; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 34 pp.

"Since the change of the long-standing DPS government in mid-2020, Montenegrin society has faced political crises. Frequent election cycles and instability in ruling majorities have affected the speed and quality of Montenegro’s integration into the EU, the work and functioning of institutions, an ... d the general social and political environment. After the reconstruction of Montenegro’s 44th government, anti-democratic and anti-European tendencies emerged. These tendencies are reflected in the advocacy for legislation aimed at changing the constitutional order regarding language and citizenship, suppressing criticism from the civil sector, and undermining relations with neighbouring Croatia, an EU member state. This has been accompanied by a decline in trust in key political institutions and an overall unsatisfactory political culture. Although several international studies monitoring the state of democracy, the rule of law, corruption perception, and media freedoms show progress compared to previous years, the current situation in media and journalism is not encouraging. In recent years, institutions have attempted to strategically address the media sector through the adoption of a Media Strategy and amendments to media laws. However, these regulations have not adequately addressed some of the key issues affecting the media landscape, such as media ownership transparency, strong foreign influence in media ownership structures, unregistered portals, and the fight against disinformation. Additionally, they have not implemented new European regulations in this area, indicating that media laws will need to be revised again. The significant increase in the number of media outlets in Montenegro has not led to greater media pluralism or improved journalistic standards. The media market is small, and the launch of new outlets lacks economic justification. The media scene is heavily influenced by foreign actors, predominantly from Serbia. Owners from Serbia control four out of five television stations with national frequency, and two out of three daily newspapers are foreign-owned. These media outlets inevitably influence public opinion and are used to expand political influence, which affects the quality of media reporting and threatens the survival of locally owned media outlets. Year after year, the amount of public funds allocated to media outlets through the Media Pluralism Fund has increased, which is important for their sustainability. The Agency for Electronic Media and the Ministry of Culture and Media distribute the funds transparently, but mechanisms for evaluating the quality of financed projects need to be established. The national regulator, the Agency for Electronic Media, has improved its communication with the public. Recent amendments to the law have expanded its jurisdiction, enabling it to impose measures of varying intensity. While it remains responsible only for electronic media, there is clear potential for the agency to develop into an independent and professional regulator that consistently applies regulations. Current self-regulatory mechanisms in Montenegro’s media sector are not effective, but there is potential for further development in the new amendments to the law. These amendments require media outlets to develop internal self-regulation if they wish to receive funds from the Media Pluralism Fund. Implementing this legal provision must be accompanied by raising awareness among media and journalists about the importance of strong self-regulation. This will help citizens recognize self-regulation as an independent authority capable of improving the quality of reporting and providing a reliable platform for submitting complaints." (Conclusions, pages 28-29) more

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Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview
Deep Insights

Sanela Hodžic, Sandra B. Hrvatin

Sarajevo; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 57 pp.

"The results of the research conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey suggest that the key determinants for the future of our media and democracies are the following: • The poor socio-economic status of journalists and their exposure to ... pressure and attacks, coupled with modest support mechanisms, cripple the ability of journalists to promote the public interest, report on key issues of public interest, and hold power to account. In the most extreme cases, the pressure involves imprisonment, interrogation, surveillance, and lawsuits aimed at silencing journalists. • The lack of consistent monitoring and registration of cases of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP) in the region, with dozens of lawsuits against journalists filed by political officials and their affiliates. • A growing number or media outlets, but a declining number of journalism students, highlighting concerns about the future shrinking of staff numbers in media newsrooms and about the growing automatization of journalism. The most drastic drop was in North Macedonia, with the number of journalism students in 2023 amounting to only 11% of the number from ten years ago and 50% of the number from 2000. • The number of media outlets is growing, mostly in the online sector, while print media outlets are becoming increasingly endemic. • A worrying trend of overt concentration of media ownership in the hands of a few media conglomerates, often tied to national or foreign governments, that takes a toll on media freedom and pluralism. • The dominant instrumentalization (through ownership and funding) of media (including private and public) for particular political and/or business interests limits the space for editorial independence and integrity. • Non-profit media are still a rarity in the region, with only a few non-profit radio broadcasters in some countries, and an unknown number of online platforms of civil society organizations with a community-focused mission. • Lack of transparency of the media sector, particularly a lack of accessible and reliable information concerning the media industry and the media market. • Advertising is the main source of revenues in the media sector, with the total revenues ranging between EUR 12 million in Montenegro and over EUR 4 billion in Turkey. • Although it is declining, the TV sector is still dominant in terms of its share of advertising revenues, while social media’s share is increasing, and in Turkey it amounts to as much as 45.7% of advertising revenues. • The tech giants such as Google and Meta are an increasingly dominant competitor for media outlets in the region, jeopardizing the future sustainability of national and local media outlets and potentially curbing political pluralism in public communication. • Public funding for the media, including funding of public broadcasters (declining in four out of seven countries), grants, and subsidies for media outlets and government advertising, amounts to several to dozens of millions of euros per country, taking up an important share of media revenues, but without proactive transparency, effective guarantees of editorial independence, well-defined purpose and evaluation, the opportunities to make public funding for the media an important instrument of media democratization remain under-used. • The representation of different age, gender, ethnic, religious, and other groups in media content and in the newsrooms’ staff is limited. In multiethnic communities some policies promote ethnic diversity of media content, while other identity axes are largely neglected and pluralism in public communication is very limited. Women are an important, and in many countries even dominant, workforce in the media, but remain underrepresented in managerial posts." (Executive summary) more

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Media Capture Monitoring Report: Overview. The European Media Freedom Act: The solution to Capture or Just Fine Print?

Zsuzsa Detreköi, Marius Dragomir

Vienna: International Press Institute (IPI); Media Journalism Research Center (MJRC) (2025), 30 pp.

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Media Bias, Legislative Challenges, and the Fight for Freedom. The Future of the Media in Serbia – Facts and Trends

Valentina Sigeti, Teodora Koledin

Sarajevo; Novi Sad; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Novi Sad School of Journalism; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 50 pp.

"Alongside the rise of new technologies and the evolving global conditions in the media industry, journalism and media in Serbia will face numerous challenges, particularly in the areas of basic media freedom and journalist protection, based on the findings of this research: • There is no reliable ... data on the number of journalists in Serbia, or how many of them are women or members of marginalized groups. • Media ownership in Serbia is highly concentrated, particularly in the television broadcasting sector, which affects media reporting. Channels with national frequencies often align their narratives with the government’s or ruling party’s agenda. • The state and ruling party demonstrate tendencies to control the media. This is evident in the newly updated law that allows business companies engaged in electronic communications, such as the state-owned Telekom, to own media outlets. Additionally, findings indicate that some media owners at the local level are connected to the ruling party. • Media financing is often misused to encourage biased reporting. Public calls for funding are corrupted by GONGO media organizations, which prioritize funding pro-government outlets; state advertising is not regulated by law, and the media community was left out of the discussion on new advertising laws; despite receiving the majority of its budget from citizens’ subscriptions, the national public broadcaster RTS is still perceived as one of the most progovernment outlets in the country; foreign donors, including the EU, US and UK, provide significant financial support for media projects in Serbia, but there is no transparent data on the total amount of money donated. • National minorities are represented through media outlets funded by National Councils of National Minorities. However, journalists from some of these media outlets work under political pressures and engage in self-censorship. National minorities living in the northern province of Serbia, Vojvodina, are also served by the provincial public broadcaster RTV. RTS does not provide content in the languages of the Bosnian, Vlach and Bulgarian communities in Serbia’s eastern and western regions. Romani and Albanian communities are represented on RTS, but the amount of content is minimal. • Television is the most commonly used source of news and information, with citizens watching up to eight hours of television daily. The most-watched TV news programmes are central-informative political shows on channels with national frequencies, which are widely considered pro-government. • Only 30% of Serbian citizens trust the media. Social media is the least trusted media type, while television is the most trusted." (Executive summary) more

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M20 Johannesburg Declaration: Media Summit urges global prioritisation of information integrity for the public good

M20 Media Integrity; South African National Editors' Forum (SANEF); Media Monitoring Africa (MMA) (2025), 11 pp.

"Our call on media and civil society – as well as other stakeholders such as independent information regulatory bodies and business entities, to act on: Information integrity -- Artificial Intelligence -- Media viability -- Safety -- Women and media -- Children, young people (teenagers) and margin ... more

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Democratic Decline, Economic and Political Pressures, Urgency for Reforms. The Future of the Media in Turkey – Facts and Trends

Sinem Aydinli

Sarajevo; Istanbul; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Bianet; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 39 pp.

"The state of the media and democracy in Turkey faces critical challenges that hinder freedom of expression and pluralism, due to restrictive legal frameworks, economic instability, and cross-ownership in the media sector. Although digitalization has transformed news consumption, the government’s ... more

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Communication and democracy in Brazil and Germany: Media accountability, public service media, internet access and right to information

Danilo Rothberg, Susanne Fengler, Fernando Oliveira Paulino, Rogério Christofoletti (eds.)

São Paulo: Cultura Acadêmica (2025), 304 pp.

"The expertise brought by three important Brazilian public universities (Unesp, UnB, and UFSC), combined with the knowledge accumulated through research investment by the Technische Universität Dortmund, was taken here as a unique and rich source of knowledge capable of avoiding the pitfalls and ov ... more

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Contesting Copyright: A History of Intellectual Property in East Central Europe and the Balkans
Deep Insights

Augusta Dimou

New York: Central European University Press (2025), xxi, 481 pp.

"The creative sector, including the cultural industry, is key for today’s economy. Copyright has the capacity to x the roles and tasks of the actors involved and determine the direction of cash ows within this sector. The study of the evolution of copyright helps understand and adjust the regulati ... more

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Declaration on the necessity of culture and media as a safeguard for our European democracies

Council of the European Union (2025), 4 pp.

"This declaration serves as a reminder that culture, cultural heritage and media policies must be a vital part of the European collaboration and European security in order to protect our democracies. We commit to upholding cultural diversity, artistic freedom and supporting media pluralism and freed ... more

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Demokratie beginnt im Lokalen: Zeit für eine neue Medienförderung

Christian-Matthias Wellbrock, Matthias Künzler, Leyla Dogruel, Gergana Baeva

Berlin: Heinrich Böll Stiftung (2025), 30 pp.

"[...] mit welchen Instrumenten können journalistische Marktaustritte verringert und Neugründungen gefördert werden – und das mit möglichst effizientem Mitteleinsatz? In diesem Kurzgutachten vergleichen wir verschiedene strukturelle Maßnahmen sowie Förderinstrumente mit Blick auf Kriterien w ... more

Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview Deep Insights

Contesting Copyright: A History of Intellectual Property in East Central Europe and the Balkans Deep Insights

Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview
Deep Insights

Contesting Copyright: A History of Intellectual Property in East Central Europe and the Balkans
Deep Insights