"Die grausamen Handlungen dschihadistischer Gruppierungen wie der „Al-Qaida“ oder des „Islamischen Staates“ schockieren und verbreiten Angst. Immer wieder scheinen neue Attentäter nachzurücken, ein Phänomen, das Asiem El Difraoui mit den stets nachwachsenden Köpfen einer Hydra vergleicht
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. Um sie zu bezwingen, müssten das Wesen des Dschihadismus und die Bedingungen seiner Verbreitung besser verstanden werden. El Difraoui versteht die Bewegung mit ihren Heilsversprechungen als Sekte, die ihre islamischen Ursprünge verzerre und missbrauche. Im Kampf gegen sie müssten die vielen Ursachen für das Wachstum dschihadistischer Gruppierungen angegangen werden: klandestine Netzwerke müssten enttarnt, die Propaganda eingedämmt sowie Prävention und Deradikalisierung weitergedacht werden. Zudem müssten westliche Staaten selbstkritischer mit den Folgen ihrer kolonialen Vergangenheit, den Diskriminierungserfahrungen von Minderheiten und den destabilisierenden Wirkungen ihrer militärischen Einsätze umgehen. El Difraoui fordert, weltweit soziale Gerechtigkeit, wirtschaftliche Perspektiven und funktionierende Zivilgesellschaften zu unterstützen. So würden junge, nach Sinn suchende Menschen resilienter gegen radikale Verführungen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Die Islamwissenschaftlerin Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf liefert in ihrer fundierten und allgemeinverständlichen Einführung Hintergrundwissen für alle, die sich einen Überblick über historische und aktuelle Entwicklungen im Themenfeld Islamismus verschaffen möchten oder beruflich und ehrenamtlich mi
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t radikalisierungsgefährdeten Personen konfrontiert sind. Zudem zeigt sie Wechselwirkungen zwischen antimuslimischem Rassismus und religiös motiviertem Extremismus auf. Neben Begriffsklärungen, ideengeschichtlichen Betrachtungen und einer kurzen Geschichte des Islamismus in Deutschland werden auch das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Demokratie und Islamismus sowie Radikalisierungsprozesse und Ansätze der Prävention beleuchtet." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Es ist erstaunlich, dass der römisch-katholische Radio-Priester Charles Coughlin – Vertreter der amerikanischen Religiösen Rechten, Antikommunist, Antisemit, Demagoge und Zeitzeuge der ersten America First-Bewegung – hierzulande so gut wie unbekannt ist. Ebenso erstaunlich ist, dass er bis vo
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r kurzem in den USA, einem Land, in dem allsonntäglich Millionen Menschen seinen politischen Predigten lauschten, nahezu vollständig in Vergessenheit geraten war. Coughlins Geschichte weist viele Aspekte auf, die auch gegenwärtig in Gesellschaft und Politik, nicht nur in den USA, eine Rolle spielen: die Nutzung neuer Medien für die Verbreitung von alternativen Fakten und Verschwörungstheorien, der Erfolg populistischer Versprechungen, Narzissmus, die Konfrontation von Demagogie und wehrhafter Demokratie. Der Politikwissenschaftler Helmut Klumpjan schildert das politisch-religiöse Leben Father Coughlins, erklärt den historischen und politischen Kontext seiner Zeit (1891–1979) und misst zuletzt den Wegbereiter des Hate Radio an seinem eigenen Idol: Wie gelingt es einem Menschen, der sich das Liebes-Motto einer christlichen Heiligen auf die Fahne geschrieben hat, dennoch Hass zu verbreiten?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Religious fundamentalists have a common fear that modernity, digital mass media, and popular culture may corrupt young adults and undermine sacred values and moral codes. However, some young adults do not abandon their religion; conversely, they submit to fundamentalist religious authority and are
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willing to become martyrs. This paper seeks to provide a theoretical understanding of the relationship between religious fundamentalism and Gen Y and Gen Z’s search for meaning in the digital media ecology. The purpose of this article is to synthesize the theoretical perspectives of religious fundamentalism, imagined communities, sacred values, terror-management-theory and digital media theories to generate new insights on countering online radicalization. However rather than recommending more online counterpropaganda dampening violent extremism targeting communities, this article builds on the view that an integrated approach on digital citizenship, off-line interfaith communication, and religious face-to-face encounters with ‘the other’ to share sacred and secular values in the pedagogical environment will help understand the social reality of ‘the other’ and can offer effective insights to prevent home-grown extremism, social insularity and reduce in-group biases at an early age." (Abstract)
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"Auch die salafistische Szene nutzt den virtuellen Raum zur Propagierung ihrer Ideologie und zur Rekrutierung von Mitgliedern. Gerade für eine jüngere Zielgruppe hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren ein breites Angebot im deutschsprachigen Raum herausgebildet, mit dem Salafisten ihre Glaubensinhalte
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zu verbreiten suchen, die auf einer "reinen" und wortwörtlichen Lesart islamischer Schriften fußen und somit zwangsläufig einer pluralen und demokratischen Staats- und Gesellschaftsform zuwiderlaufen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This paper attempts to understand the phenomenon of hate speech and its potential to legitimise discrimination and promote violence against its targets. It lays out the interconnections between Islamophobia, hate speech and acts of physical violence against Muslims. The role of social media, especi
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ally messaging platforms like WhatsApp and Facebook, in facilitating the easy and rapid spread of fake news and rumours and amplifying hate, is also examined. The complexities of regulating social media platforms, which have immense political and corporate backing, have been touched upon. This paper also looks at the contentious and contradictory interplay of hate speech with the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech and expression and recent jurisprudence on these matters. Finally, it presents some examples of the pushback of hate speech and outlines concerns that must be addressed to counter the spread of hatred." (Introduction)
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"This book offers a comprehensive overview and analysis of the Islamic State's use of propaganda. Combining a range of different theoretical perspectives from across the social sciences, and using rigorous methods, the authors trace the origins of the Islamic State's message, laying bare the strateg
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ic logic guiding its evolution, examining each of its multi-media components, and showing how these elements work together to radicalize audiences' worldviews. This volume highlights the challenges that this sort of "full-spectrum propaganda" raises for counter terrorism forces. It is not only a one-stop resource for any analyst of IS and Salafi-jihadism, but also a rich contribution to the study of text and visual propaganda, radicalization and political violence, and international security." (Publisher description)
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"The Islamic State's media strategy allows for a message that has been crafted by a handful of IS propaganda agents to be disseminated by a few primary distributors, who in turn can reach thousands of unaffiliated sympathizers, and therefore millions of Twitter users. By means of a conclusion, this
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chapter offers four short considerations on countering some of the different actors involved in the process. First, given the highly centralized nature of IS media production, which is most likely spearheaded by a handful of well-trained, technologically savvy and talented individuals, IS media production efforts would be very sensitive to the removal of these individuals [...] Second, although there is some anecdotal evidence that banning social media accounts is an effective way to curtail the activities of unaffiliated sympathizers, relying solely on social media companies to combat the spread of extremist material on their platforms not only raises questions regarding free speech, but would also give these companies the power to control public knowledge and discourse [...] Third, and on a related note, none of the so-called "lone wolf" attacks in Western countries were perpetrated by individuals who were actively involved in disseminating IS propaganda. In fact, it may well be that distributing jihadist material is an alternate mode of participation for individuals who are unwilling to engage in actual violence [...] Finally, although the Islamic State's military defeat appears imminent, one of the greatest mistakes of the "War on Terror" was the belief that the destruction of al-Qaeda's training camps and leadership would lead to the demise of the group, its affiliated movements and its ideology." (Conclusion)
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"Conspiracy theories have infiltrated increasingly larger areas of cultural and political life. Conspiracism seems to replace or supplement fundamentalist religious beliefs while also supplying material that is, in turn, used for endorsing political and ideological agendas. Similarities between cons
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piratorial thinking and fundamentalist creed can be explained by examining the dynamics of inferiority of consciousness and the subsequent inflation of the ego by the “contents” of the unconscious. Inadequate and noncredible representations of numinous energies in consciousness unwittingly contribute to the creation of structures with notable mythological parallels. Jung referred to this phenomenon as an “axiom of psychology,” which can explain both the archetypal nature of conspiracism and its resistance to rational correction. Thinking is free from the unconscious influence of the Self only to the extent that it is able to recognize and to relate to numinous contents, on one hand, and to withdraw projections from the object, on the other. A symbolic perspective offers a nondismissive understanding of the reasons for strong adherence to conspiracy theories. Exploring conspiracy theories as symbols rather than rational constructs offers more fruitful solutions to our current social problems." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores the interconnections of Hindutva fascist repertoires in India and quasi-orientalist discourses. History and common sense are re-written through audiovisual communications to appeal to one section of a dangerously split Indian public and a neoliberal-touristic sensibility elsewhe
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re. Enlightenment rhetorics of progress, democracy and technological development are apparently embodied by WhatsApp groups, electronic voting machines and laws to protect cows. Voting—as a marker of democratic citizenship—becomes a masquerade protecting a resurgent far right Hindutva (Hindu fascist) regime under the aegis of Narendra Modi and the BJP. Caste Hinduism’s association of cows with deities, and the proscription on meat-eating in certain versions of religious practice, are used as pretexts for unimaginable violence against Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and working class/lower caste Hindus. Violence against those who dissent is rationalised as patriotic. Hindutva’s banal and spectacular audiovisual discourse overwhelms public communication. Its consequences are a form of vigilante citizenship that is marked on the bodies of dead victims and of vigilante publics ready to be mobilised either in ethno-cultural violence or its defence and disavowal. Meanwhile, attracted to India as an enormous market, Western governments and corporations have colluded with the Hindutva regime’s self-promotion as a bastion of development." (Abstract)
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"Conspiracy theories are a ubiquitous feature of our times. The Handbook of Conspiracy Theories and Contemporary Religion is the first reference work to offer a comprehensive, transnational overview of this phenomenon along with in-depth discussions of how conspiracy theories relate to religion(s).
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Bringing together experts from a wide range of disciplines, from psychology and philosophy to political science and the history of religions, the book sets the standard for the interdisciplinary study of religion and conspiracy theories." (Publisher description)
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"The monitoring and the analysis carried out for the purpose of this study found out that the media and the institutional channels of mass communication of religious communities have behaved correctly while carrying out their duties, and have established a climate of communication that emits and fos
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ters mutual respect among the faithful, tolerance and harmony that have prevailed the Albanian religious tradition. On the other hand, alongside media institutions of religious communities or organizations operating in the country, the Albanian online world has been infiltrated by a relatively large number of websites which appear to have been created and operated by Islamic religious organizations based in Turkey or other countries in the Middle East. Some of these websites promote schools of Islam that do not match the tradition of the Albanian Islam, and provide a more radical interpretation of the Islamic doctrine. Especially problematic are some websites that promote in Albanian the schools of Salafism and Wahhabism as well as other extremist schools or sects. Meanwhile, the monitoring of the mainstream print and broadcast media in Albania, revealed that they report on religion and activities of religious background mainly during religious festivities, on cases of religiously-motivated clashes or conflicts, on controversial statements regarding religion, its history and religious cohabitation in Albania, as well as cases of scandal and controversy among the ranks of religious authorities." (Page 3)
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"Outbreaks of religious intolerance are usually assumed to be visceral and spontaneous. But in 'Hate Spin', Cherian George shows that they often involve sophisticated campaigns manufactured by political opportunists to mobilize supporters and marginalize opponents. Right-wing networks orchestrate th
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e giving of offense and the taking of offense as instruments of identity politics, exploiting democratic space to promote agendas that undermine democratic values. George calls this strategy “hate spin”—a double-sided technique that combines hate speech (incitement through vilification) with manufactured offense-taking (the performing of righteous indignation). It is deployed in societies as diverse as Buddhist Myanmar and Orthodox Christian Russia. George looks at the world's three largest democracies, where intolerant groups within India's Hindu right, America's Christian right, and Indonesia's Muslim right are all accomplished users of hate spin. He also shows how the Internet and Google have opened up new opportunities for cross-border hate spin." (Publisher description)
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"The study is divided into three parts, the first of which describes the Islamic State’s publishing house, Maktabat al-Himma, and its activities and offers a rough chronology of when the group published various works. The second part examines the group’s classroom textbooks, drawing comparisons
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with the Saudi religious curriculum and highlighting the Islamic State’s unique program of “ISization” that makes them especially lethal. The paper’s third part features a deep dive into other literature produced by the group, including book-length editions, manuals of ritual observance, and instructions to fighters, as well as shorter pamphlets. The paper closes with a series of concluding observations and policy recommendations, as well as appendices that include a list of the works surveyed, translations by the author of selections from the classroom textbooks, images of textbook covers, and a glossary of terminology IS uses in its literature." (Executive summary, page xi)
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