"This study presents findings from research on international media development strate-gies and practices in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021. Based on qualitative interviews with 35 Afghan journalists in Afghanistan, the research offers a retroactive assessment of key patterns in International Medi
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a Assistance. The findings indicate that prevailing media assistance strategies, as perceived by interviewees, were largely aimed at changing attitudes and behaviors through media programs. This reflects a media-centric paradigm in which people are viewed as passive recipients of information rather than active agents of change. Interviewees also noted that the international com-munity underestimated the divide between liberal urban communities and conservative rural com-munities. Media programs often targeted liberal, urban youth, further jeopardizing social cohesion in Afghanistan. Future programs should prioritize citizen engagement in public affairs through the media to help counter the widespread perception that decisions are made elsewhere. Participatory approaches should also include conservative communities, as a sole focus on liberal urban elites has been seen as deepening social divisions." (Abstract)
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"Western, especially British interventions in Afghanistan, parallel the long history of photography. This article examines the resulting archive and considers its ongoing influence on the traditions of conflict photography through the concept of the ‘Feedback Loop’ coined by photographer Tim Het
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herington. Hetherington’s work is used as a departure point for an examination of the archival legacy of the male-gendered western gaze in ongoing western incursions. It focusses on Hetherington and contemporary practitioners to position and understand a repetitive cycle of photographic witnessing informed by the archive. Its perspective is on western traditions in the context of picturing Afghanistan and explores what underpins such traditions and how contemporary practitioners are rethinking, rememorizing and now restaging Afghanistan as a site of post-imperial ‘conflict’. It argues that what Hetherington identified as a ‘feedback loop’ is part of a much older tradition of picturing conflict and the combatants at its heart." (Abstract)
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"Afghanistan als Ganzes wurde von mehreren sich gegenseitig bedingenden Phänomenen geprägt: Einerseits gab es sozialen Wandel und Demokratisierung, andererseits führte die starke Liberalisierung des Medienmarktes zu einer fragmentierten ethnischen Gruppenöffentlichkeit, die die Fragilität der s
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taatlichen Strukturen verstärkte. Einer der Anreize für den starken Medienboom und die Medienentwicklung in Afghanistan 2001–2021 war die Liberalisierungsstrategie nach dem Vorbild der Vereinigten Staaten. Aufgrund ihrer finanziellen Ressourcen und starken Investitionen im Medienbereich haben die US-Amerikaner ihr eigenes, sehr liberales Modell des Mediensystems auch in Afghanistan umgesetzt. Erstmals war es rechtlich möglich, dass jede Person, Organisation oder Partei ein eigenes Medium gründen konnte, sodass fast alle ethnischen und politischen Gruppen über eigene Medienangebote verfügten, teilweise sogar mehrfach. Insbesondere ehemalige Warlords drängten in den Mediensektor und investierten in eigene Medien. Die Liberalisierung des Mediensystems führte so zu einer starken Polarisierung und nicht zu Wachstum im Bereich professioneller Medienstrukturen. Der Anteil an professionellen Medienangeboten und -formaten blieb bis zum Ende der betrachteten Periode bis 2021 hin sehr gering. Der Mangel an (verstärkten) Professionalisierungsversuchen war vor allem darauf zurückzuführen, dass einige professionelle Medienformate klein blieben und hauptsächlich passive Berichterstattung betrieben wurde. Anstatt vor Ort zu recherchieren oder aktiv zu berichten, konzentrierten sich diese Formate darauf, Ereignisse im ganzen Land vor allem aus den großen Städten vom Studio aus zu kommentieren. Die Berichterstattung war oft polarisierend und sensationsheischend, mit dem Ziel, eine möglichst große Zuschauerschaft anzusprechen." (Seite 202-203)
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"While most adult Afghans have access to some form of media platform, only around one in three have access to internet, with less than half of mobile users owning a smartphone. Men exhibit higher usage of radio and internet compared to women (52% male vs 43% female for radio and 36% vs 29% for inter
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net). Use of TV, however, is nearly identical among men and women. Men predominantly use media in the evenings between 7 to 10 pm, while women use media during the day, with an increase in women’s TV usage during daylight hours compared to findings from our previous survey (March 2021). With increased limitations on women’s movement, work and education; media and the internet have become essential lifelines for women, serving as their main source of news and information." (Key findings, page 2)
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"Before the Taliban‘s return in 2021, Afghanistan had made notable strides in promoting transparency and civic engagement through progressive laws governing information access. These landmark measures, praised internationally, represented small but significant steps toward strengthening the countr
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y’s nascent democracy. However, with the Taliban in power, these gains were swiftly dismantled, leading to a dramatic erosion of the free exchange of information and a gradual silencing of voices within the country.
This policy paper examines the profound consequences of the Taliban’s assault on the right to information, emphasizing the erosion of established norms and their replacement with arbitrary decrees. The measures in these decrees to control the media and restrict access to information are systematic and targeted. Actions such as banning demonstrations, implementing strict guidelines for journalists, censoring foreign media, and suppressing criticism serve to manipulate public perception. These measures ensure that only information aligning with the Taliban‘s agenda is disseminated. The Taliban‘s violations constitute a flagrant breach of fundamental international legal standards, including the right to life and freedom from torture. Their actions not only infringe upon these essential human rights but also disrupt humanitarian aid efforts for Afghanistan and undermine the international rules-based order. The lack of information about the Taliban’s engagement with terrorist organizations leaves the global community in the dark.
To address this crisis, the international community must isolate the Taliban and seek justice for their crimes against vulnerable populations in Afghanistan. Strengthening global and exile media is crucial for documenting and exposing these violations. The paper further recommends intensifying pressure on the Taliban to compel a reduction in their draconian measures and to restore some measures of information freedom." (Executive summary)
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"Within the complex media and educational landscape of Afghanistan, characterized by the takeover by the de facto authorities, a study of the current Media-Based education was facilitated by the Afghanistan Independent Journalists Union (AIJU) and Integrity Watch Afghanistan (IWA) with the support o
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f UNESCO. The study aims to understand the current media landscape in the country particularly the creation and distribution of educational content. It has the objective of assessing the current context of consumption of educational content published on different media platforms, with a special focus on their accessibility and relevance for the communities, mapping the broadcast and digital learning environment within the country and of evaluating the needs of the communities. Aligned with UNESCO’s mission to promote freedom of expression and education, this research investigates the potential of media to provide alternative opportunities and tools for learning. The resulting report “Media Mapping on Educational Content Production and Dissemination in Afghanistan” provides narratives and perspectives of those working in the media sector, including media managers, who are working under very challenging conditions. It reflects the communities’ experiences, including those of girls - who face significant barriers and restrictions in accessing traditional educational opportunities. The report provides valuable insights into the opportunities and obstacles for Media-Based education within the Afghan media sphere. The detailed findings aim to guide stakeholders and present actionable insights that seek to enhance the work of the media sector in facilitating access to education in the current environment of Afghanistan." (Back cover)
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"Since August 2021, almost 50% of media outlets have ceased their operations in Afghanistan. An estimated 90% of women journalists have lost their jobs, with many more media workers having fled the country or been forced into hiding. Replying to a call from over hundred anonymous journalists for con
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tinued assistance inside the country, UNESCO’s response focused on the provision of lifeline resources to support the Afghan media sectors while restoring longer term media viability. It is in this context that the EU-funded project “Support to Afghan Media Resilience to Foster Peace and Security”, implemented from November 2022 to April 2024, has played a key role in addressing and mitigating Afghan media challenges, while fostering continued access to information of the Afghan population, especially conflict sensitive reporting, humanitarian information and educational broadcasting, with a specific focus on women journalists, youth and minority groups." (Back cover)
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"Women in Afghanistan continue to have less access to information than men, particularly through TV and the internet. At least 33% of women (more in rural areas) rely on family as a key source of information, while men prioritise other information sources. Yet Afghan women’s information needs have
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never been more pronounced – due to restrictions on their activities, many are confined to their homes. Women in Afghanistan with media access rely on this more than ever to keep updated on issues that concern them, and spend more time accessing and using media: "Now women are in the confines of their homes… The virtual space is the only window for us to learn about what is happening." (Female FGD participant, Herat).
Two-thirds (65%) of female survey respondents say that the media is “very important” in their daily lives, compared with half (51%) of male respondents. Despite various efforts to cater to female audiences, 67% of female and male respondents feel that Afghan media only “somewhat” or “rarely” meets women’s needs. Reflecting restrictions on media content, respondents complain that domestic media contains too much religious content and not enough entertainment. However, educational content is still allowed, providing women and girls who are denied access to schooling with a vital source of education.
Respondents are more satisfied with the balance of content in international media and media run by Afghans in exile, and they are more likely to watch some types of entertainment, such as movies, on international than domestic TV. However, a number of international media outlets are inaccessible from Afghanistan. Journalists inside Afghanistan are banned from working with international TV/radio channels or news sites, and some have been arrested for doing so.
87% of respondents say the presence of women in the media in Afghanistan has decreased since August 2021. Only 41% could name a female presenter or journalist. Almost all of those named by respondents worked in the media before 2021, or currently work from outside Afghanistan. Audience members support women featuring in news and educational programmes but are less supportive of them featuring in comedy and sports content. Over half (54%) of the general survey respondents say they would support a female relative to work as a journalist. A further 12% would support a female relative under certain conditions, including wearing the hijab and travelling with a mahram (women cannot leave their home without a male chaperone)." (Executive summary, page 6)
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"This report summarizes Internews’ six-month social media monitoring research conducted in 2023 that aimed to better understand the online mis- and disinformation environment in Afghanistan. [...] The first phase of the study revealed key aspects of Afghanistan's digital information landscape. The
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research found four common narratives around mis- and disinformation including the Taliban/Taliban de facto authorities’ threat to human and minority rights, loss of self-rule, the Taliban de facto authorities’ legitimacy as a governing body, and opposition to their governance. Most of the associated mis- and disinformation associated with these narratives originated from the Afghan diaspora.
The research also found a gender imbalance in the digital discourse, with male-dominated discussions and limited female participation. Gender narratives on social media are mostly driven by men, often portraying women passively, and include disinformation tactics by the Taliban de facto authorities, such as falsely showing women's support for oppressive policies. Anti-Taliban sentiments included former government figures who significantly shape digital discourse and contribute to spreading disinformation including exaggerations or fabrications of the authorities’ actions. However, alongside anti-Taliban sentiments, there was a notable pro-Taliban commentary endorsing their governance and presenting them in favourable ways.
Our findings for the second phase reveal several troubling trends. Many news stories feature clickbait or misleading headlines that don't align with the actual content. A significant problem is the presentation of unverified information as fact, which fosters public mistrust. Approximately 40% of false news stories lack sources, and over half rely on just a single source, affecting the depth and reliability of reporting. Additionally, there is a tendency to use sensational headlines and emotionally charged content to increase engagement, often sacrificing factual accuracy. The rapid spread of misinformation is also facilitated by exploiting audience behaviours on social media. Afghan media, particularly those dependent on donor funding, struggle to balance accurate reporting with the need for high audience engagement. Complex reporting dynamics in Afghanistan include protecting sources, relying on second-hand information, and the difficulty of verifying claims made on social media. While some media outlets endeavour to use diverse sources, the challenges of fact verification and maintaining reporting integrity persist.
The report recommends establishing fact-checking initiatives, promoting digital literacy, and ethical journalism practices. For media outlets, transparency, audience engagement, and balance are key. Meanwhile, donors should prioritize funding for independent media, invest in technology, and support capacity building and collaborative reporting initiatives." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"This multi-disciplinary study aims to explore the diverse effects of social media on Afghan youth, focusing on usage patterns, mental health implications, entertainment-driven time allocation, financial expenditures, exposure to explicit content, and academic performance. Methods: A cross-sectional
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online survey was conducted between September and December 2023, gathering responses from 1556 participants (67% males, 33% females) through various social media platforms. Data were analyzed using SPSS version 26.0, employing statistical tests such as ANOVA and Chi-Square to examine relationships between social media usage and its impacts. Results: The study reveals significant links between social media usage and demographic, behavioral, and mental health factors. Key findings include Facebook as the most used platform (83.6%), with the majority of participants spending 1–3 hours daily on social media. Age differences in time spent were significant (F=15.64, p<0.001). Entertainment was the primary use (45.5%), with gender differences in engagement levels. High anxiety (78.5%) and moderate depression (38.3%) were reported. Significant associations between social media use and mental health were found (eg, x2=591.87, p<0.001 for nervousness). Excessive use negatively impacted study habits, with 25.7% feeling it hindered their academic performance. Conclusion: This study highlights the multifaceted impacts of social media on Afghan youth, including both positive aspects like enhanced communication and empowerment and negative aspects such as mental health issues and academic challenges. The significant relationships between social media usage and various life aspects underscore the need for targeted interventions to promote healthy digital habits and mitigate adverse effects. Further research is recommended to explore long-term impacts and effective strategies for managing social media use among Afghan youth." (Abstract)
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"The Taliban have revoked and suspended laws that included the right to access information and freedom of expression, and currently there is no effective legal mechanism to protect media outlets and journalists against interference and intimidation. This has led to widespread violation of the right
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to freedom of expression and access to information and has eliminated the ability of citizens to participate in government decision-making that impacts their lives. The findings of this report indicate that the Taliban, with complete disregard to Afghanistan’s international human rights commitments and the country’s pre-Taliban laws, have engaged in suppressing freedom of expression and media using various tools and methods, particularly imposing unlawful and discriminatory restrictions on women journalists. Currently, only a few women journalists are working with the media, conditional upon fully complying with the conditions set by the Taliban’s Ministry of Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of vice (MPVPV). In addition to this, the Taliban have engaged in persistent harassment and intimidation of media, arbitrary detention and torture of journalists, the detention and killing of protesters and imposing extensive restrictions on the activities of libraries, bookstores, and publishers. The provincial departments of MPVPV, Ministry of Information & Culture (MoIC), General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI), and Police Directorates are among the key institutions involved in suppression of freedom of expression and access to information. The Taliban have also dismantled accountability mechanisms such as independent judiciary, independent anti-corruption bodies and prevent media’s access to information on national budget expenditure, thus leading to administrative and financial corruption." (Introduction)
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"This research study delves into the intricate landscape of media in Afghanistan after 15 August 2021, focusing on the coexistence of local and Expat Afghan Media within the challenging context of Taliban constraints. In the wake of the Taliban's resurgence and control of Afghanistan, The challengin
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g environment has compelled many journalists to flee the country, and media outlets have been grappled with a myriad of restrictions and limitations. This study seeks to shed light on the unique dynamics, struggles, and resilience displayed by these media entities as they navigate a complex environment characterized by censorship, security concerns, and shifting political realities. Through a comprehensive analysis of case studies, reports, and content analysis, this research aims to provide insights into the role of media in shaping public discourse, promoting free expression, and fostering a sense of identity and belonging among Afghans during these challenging times. Ultimately, this investigation contributes to a deeper understanding of the critical role media plays in societies facing political and ideological constraints and highlights the voices that persist amidst adversity." (Abstract)
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"The Taliban retook control of Afghanistan on Aug. 15, 2021 after two decades of fighting on the ground and manipulating narratives online, particularly on social media. Their tactical use of social media was more evident in 2021 when they were advancing their territorial gains and posting on social
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media to promote the idea of their impending return to power. This study aims to understand the (ab)use of social media by the resurgent Taliban 2.0 and to suggest ways young Afghans can utilize social media to navigate their lives under the new regime. The authors undertook a critical review of the literature to analyze the Taliban’s social media tactics in manipulating public narratives to portray themselves as the legitimate rulers of Afghans. The study finds that the Taliban’s adaptation of social media tools helped them retake control of Afghanistan by influencing public narratives in their favor. This study recommends promoting critical thinking abilities among young Afghans to utilize social media to express dissent and advocate for their rights." (Abstract)
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"Erosion of Media Freedom in Afghanistan: Since the Taliban regained power in August 2021, media freedom in Afghanistan has drastically declined. Over half of the country's media outlets have closed, leading to widespread unemployment among journalists. The Taliban's media policies enforce strict ce
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nsorship, resulting in self-censorship and threats to journalists still working. As one journalist in Kabul said, "The media in Afghanistan is dead; we were forced out of our jobs, and those who remain face daily threats."
Severe Content Censorship: The Taliban has imposed strict regulations on media content, banning any reports that contradict their interpretation of Islamic values or Afghan national interests. As a result, 95% of journalists surveyed in Afghanistan reported facing restrictions when attempting to document and broadcast their work. "We are no longer allowed to report on incidents involving the Taliban, especially when it comes to conflicts within their ranks," shared a journalist from Badakhshan.
Gender-Based Discrimination and Exclusion: Female journalists have been systematically targeted, leading many to leave the profession. Women working in the media are subjected to strict limitations, such as being required to cover their faces while on air and being denied opportunities to work. This has effectively silenced female voices in Afghan media.
Arbitrary Detention and Physical Abuse: The Taliban have used arbitrary detention and physical abuse as tools to suppress independent journalism. Journalists are often detained without charge, held in poor conditions, and subjected to physical abuse. "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause," said one journalist who had been detained. The report found that 73% of detained journalists reported experiencing physical abuse during their detention.
Self-Censorship as a Survival Tactic: The pervasive atmosphere of fear and intimidation has led to widespread self-censorship among journalists, both within Afghanistan and in exile. This has resulted in a homogenized media landscape, with many journalists avoiding sensitive topics to protect themselves from potential repercussions. A journalist in Afghanistan said, "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause." (Key findings, page 6)
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"Die beschriebene Quellenlage stellt auch für die Länderanalyse eine Herausforderung dar. Afghanische Medien geben einen guten Überblick darüber, wie die Taliban sich präsentieren möchten. Auch neue Verordnungen und Erlasse der Zentralregierung sind so nachvollziehbar. Dies gilt jedoch nicht f
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ür die Situation in den Provinzen, aus denen es nur sporadische Berichte gibt. Afghanische Medien mit Sitz im Ausland geben auch vereinzelte Einblicke in Vorfälle von Gewalt und Verfolgung. Manchmal können internationale Medien zusätzliche Informationen liefern. Soziale Medien liefern Hinweise auf Protestbewegungen und selten auch Informationen zu Verfolgung und bewaffneten Auseinandersetzungen. Diese Informationen werden auf Grund der fehlenden Möglichkeit zur Verifizierung jedoch nur genutzt, wenn sie nach der Einordnung in die allgemeine Lage plausibel erscheinen. Insgesamt findet ein regelmäßiger Abgleich mit Berichten von internationalen Organisationen und deren Einschätzungen der Situation in Afghanistan statt. Nichtsdestotrotz ist die Informationslage zu allen oben genannten „unerwünschten Themen“ unverändert als sehr schlecht einzuschätzen." (Fazit, Seite 6)
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"This report examines the state of media freedom in Afghanistan for the period from 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024. Under the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the media sector grew exponentially in the country, leading to the broadening of media platforms and greater access to
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more diverse domestic sources of news and information. However, after 15 August 2021, a large number of media outlets ceased their operations. This has been attributed to different factors, including loss of revenue stemming from the overall economic difficulties of the country, the withdrawal of donor support after the Taliban takeover, an exodus of journalists, as well as various restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities. The de facto authorities continue to create an extremely challenging operating environment for media, including but not limited to censorship and difficulties in accessing information. Additionally, journalists and media workers are subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, court proceedings and imprisonment for performing their functions.
The de facto authorities’ measures interfering with editorial content and internal operation of media outlets have substantially diminished media freedom. Between 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024, UNAMA HRS documented instances of human rights violations affecting 336 journalists and media workers – 256 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention (249 men, 7 women), 130 torture and ill-treatment (122 men, 8 women) and 75 threats or intimidation (66 men, 9 women). The lack of transparent procedures in determining violations and the use of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions on those who criticize the de facto authorities create a culture of self-censorship and negatively impact freedom of expression.
On 19 September 2021, the de facto authorities’ “Government Media and Information Centre” issued an 11-Point Guidance to media, forbidding the publication of content deemed contrary to Islam and Afghan culture, or more broadly deemed to be against national interests. Media are often required to co-ordinate and seek approval from the de facto authorities prior to publishing a report, while news agendas are subjected to pre-vetting, which is tantamount to censorship. What constitutes content in violation of the guidance on editorial content is subject to broad and uncertain interpretation. Nonetheless, the fact that violations, or perceived violations, can lead to severe punishment creates a pervasive culture of self-censorship among journalists. As these instructions aim at limiting the range of permissible topics for public discourse and in penalizing media outlets being critical of the de facto authorities, they are incompatible with the conditions needed to limit freedom of expression under the ICCPR." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Welchen Einfluss haben Gesinnungen der Gewalt auf die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen in Afghanistan? Die internationalen Beiträger*innen richten ihren Blick auf linke, dschihadistische sowie talibanistische Ideologien und Praktiken in der jüngeren afghanischen Geschichte. Multiperspektivisch ze
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ichnen sie den Verlauf der letzten 20 Jahre nach und fokussieren dabei vor allem auf den dramatischen Wandel, den die afghanische Bevölkerung in Bezug auf Kultur, Frauenrechte und Medien durchlebt: Einstige Sehnsüchte und die Hoffnung auf eine offene Gesellschaft verwandeln sich durch ein Wiedererstarken der Taliban in Alpträume." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This case study describes a successful nutrition social marketing program in Afghanistan. By building up the domestic soy industry and supply chain, while creating consumer demand for high-protein soy products to combat malnutrition, the Nosh-e-Jaan campaign rebalanced the market dynamics for this
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relatively unknown locally grown crop. The campaign included technical assistance to the soy industry and retailers, a consumer media campaign, and community outreach via influencers, government agencies, and events. Outcomes included increases in awareness of soy, purchase of soy products, and knowledge about protein. This project provides critical lessons for those planning social marketing programs in similar settings." (Abstract)
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