Afghanistan IKM Leipzig

The Afghanistan special collection is developed by the "Afghanistan Media System and Public Spheres" Project at Leipzig University, Germany. Six exiled academics from Afghanistan are researching the Afghan media landscape from 2001 to the present day, in order to shed light on current developments in their home country from a communication science perspective.

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Afghanistan

Karl-Heinz Lutz (ed.)

Paderborn; Potsdam: Schöningh;Zentrum für Militärgeschichte und Sozialwissenschaften der Bundeswehr (ZMSBw), 4., aktual. und veränd. Aufl. (2020), 272 pp.

"Der »Wegweiser zur Geschichte: Afghanistan« erschien erstmals 2006. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt kämpften die US-Streitkräfte und ihre Verbündeten im Rahmen der Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) bereits mehrere Jahre auch auf afghanischem Boden gegen den internationalen Terroris mus. Die Kräfte der Int ... more

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Afghanistan Media Landscape

Abdul Mujeeb Khalvatgar

Maastricht: European Journalism Centre (2020)

"Afghanistan media has a history of 147 years. In 1873 the first ever paper, Shamsunahar, was established. The first radio transmitter was installed in 1920. The first TV broadcast happened in Kabul in 1978. The Internet was linked and used in Afghanistan during the Taliban period after 1996, althou ... gh it was not public and was used only by Taliban leaders. According to Nai Supporting Open Media, the leading Media Advocacy NGO in Afghanistan, there are 464 operational media in the country, which has the best media law in the region and one of the tops “Access to Information” bills in the world. But, since 2001, almost 120 journalists and media workers have been killed; more than 1550 violence cases against media have been registered and, except for a few of them, no prosecution processes have been launched for the cases. In practice access to information, despite having a good law, is one of the biggest challenges regarding freedom of expression, along with security and financial sustainability. The Taliban pose a great threat to media. Out of 120 journalists and media staff that have been killed since 2001, over 55 have been killed by the Taliban. On the other side, the Government of Afghanistan is yet to start addressing the violence cases against journalists allegedly perpetrated by governmental staff, particularly security forces. The government is not as supportive as it is stated to be by law and poses pressures which are among the challenges to freedom of expression. It has been known to set barriers to a free flow of information and to find various ways to prevent broadcasting stories about its failures. Financial challenges caused almost 240 media outlets to stop their activities in the country since 2014. Tens of radio stations and almost 6 TV stations are among the media outlets that have stopped their activities mainly because of financial problems. Although there are no specific studies that analyse public trust in media, the article “Media and government in the era of democracy” published on The Daily Afghanistan magazine shows the existence of a strong public trust in the media. When people are disappointed or have their rights infringed by a governmental entity, they turn to various media to make the problem known. That explains the popularity of media programmes that review cases and court hearings." (Overview) more

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Television and the Afghan Culture Wars

Wazhmah Osman

Urbana: University of Illinois Press (2020), 288 pp.

"Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of Afghan media producers and people from all sectors of society. In this moving work, Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the r ... more

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Social Media and Disinformation in War Propaganda: How Afghan Government and the Taliban Use Twitter

Hazrat M. Bahar

Media Asia, volume 47, issue 1-2 (2020), pp. 34-46

"This study examines disinformation and propaganda in war in the age of information particularly through social media. It analyzes Twitter's posts of the Afghan government and the Taliban, from January to March 2018. For understanding disinformation, 952 tweets of both parties were crosschecked with ... more

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Psychological distress in Afghan journalists: A descriptive study

Jonas Osmann, Abdul Mujeeb Khalvatgar, Anthony Feinstein

Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, volume 2, issue 3 (2020), pp. 115-123

"Afghanistan is one of the world’s most dangerous places for journalists. There are, however, no data on the mental health of Afghan journalists covering conflict in their country. The study aims to determine the degree to which Afghan journalists are exposed to traumatic events, their perceptions ... more

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A Roadmap to Protect Press Freedom During the Reconciliation Process

Afghan Journalists Safety Committee (AJSC) (2020), 8 pp.

"This paper is written for the purpose of creating a roadmap to support press freedom and freedom of expression in the Afghan reconciliation process. Afghan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) prepared the document in collaboration with Afghan media representatives. The sole purpose of the roadmap is ... more

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Dual Journalism Education: Recommendations for the Reform of Journalism Education at State Universities in Afghanistan — in Particular for the Faculty of Journalism and Public Communication at Nangarhar University

Arnulf Kutsch, Kefa Hamidi

Leipzig: University of Leipzig, Institute for Communication and Media Studies, Research Center Development Communication – Communication for Social Change (EC4SC) (2020), 289 pp.

"A dual training programme for professional journalism, as has long been practised in various European and non-European countries, does not yet exist in Afghanistan. It aims to combine theory and simulation of practice at institutes of tertiary education through a vocational training course with an ... more

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Quality Assessment of Radio News in Afghanistan (BBC, Killid, Azadi, & Afghanistan)

Farid Ahamd Monib, Jamaluddin Qanet

Advances in Journalism and Communication, volume 8 (2020), pp. 97-116

"This study identifies and evaluates the quality assessment of radio news in the country. To conduct this research, the researcher first posed the questions and objectives of the research and then, according to the nature of the work, used exploratory and applied research. The researcher consulted w ... more

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Reforming Journalism Education on a Tertiary Level in Afghanistan: Recommendations for a Dual Education Model

Kefa Hamidi, Alessandra Brüchner

Global Media Journal - German Edition, volume 10, issue 2 (2020), 20 pp.

"The importance of journalism’s role in society is beyond debate. Particularly in so-called fragile states, the social responsibility of media and journalism cannot be denied. Journalism education must account for the high level of skills required by journalists, and the ‘mediation’ function o ... more

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"When the Battle's Lost and Won:" Narratives of Peace in the Afghan Film 'A War'

Axel Heck

Peace & Change, volume 45, issue 1 (2020), pp. 101-125

"This article examines the ways in which cinematic film underscores the latency of structural violence in its visualization of peace, specifically through the juxtaposition of the life world of the two main protagonists in the Danish film A War (2016): Captain Claus Pedersen who serves as a Danish s ... more

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Meta-Review of Evaluations of Development Assistance to Afghanistan, 2008 – 2018

Christoph Zürcher

Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) (2020), 39 pp.

"Overall, one finding stands out: the international community has repeatedly overestimated its own capacity and the capacity of its Afghan partners to bring about rapid social change. What has worked best are modest, locally embedded projects with immediate, tangible benefits. What has rarely worked ... are complex projects aimed at building capacity and changing behaviour. More specifically, interventions in basic health and education, and in improving basic livelihoods, led to results. Interventions in building capacity for the administration, or in sectors such as the rule of law or gender, rarely worked. In reading these 148 reports, one also realizes that the international aid community is often not good at learning. Monitoring and evaluation systems are weak, and have hardly improved since 2002. Back in the early 2000s, many donors pointed out that, in order to achieve meaningful and sustainable development, more time was necessary. Fifteen years later, few sustainable results have been achieved, but many donors continue to suggest that better results will still require more time. Few donors appear to have changed their fundamental strategic approach, despite the fact that their own evaluations strongly suggest that many aid programs are neither e cient nor e ective in the Afghan context. In all fairness, the Afghan context is an incredibly challenging one, as these 148 reports vividly remind us on almost every page. The situation on the ground was and still is characterized by a lack of basic security; Afghan partners in government and in civil society lack basic capacities; many entrenched political actors have little interest in real reforms. Despite these challenging conditions, there was since the early days of the international engagement in Afghanistan tremendous political pressure on development actors to rush in and to provide quick results. An additional layer of complexity was added by the fact that the international engagement was from the beginning both a civilian and a military intervention, and planners in headquarters as well as practitioners on the ground had to learn how to cope with the task of civil-military cooperation. Under such circumstances, designing e ective aid programs is a herculean task." (Introduction, page 8) more

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Security challenges for journalists and the mass media in advancing free speech in war torn countries: The case of Afghanistan

Mohammad Tamim Sediqi, Farid Sufian Shuaib

Journal of Islamic Law, volume 16, issue 1 (2020), pp. 59-77

"The challenges faced by journalists and mass media in war torn countries are serious. The same could be said to be the case in Afghanistan. Though freedom of speech and of the mass media are among the on-going struggles of the Afghan people after the fall of the Taliban regime, it is worrying that ... more

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Afghanistan-Pakistan Media Affairs: Challenges and Opportunities

Rahimullah Yusufzai

Islamabad: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) (2019), 34 pp.

"The media in Afghanistan and Pakistan has never been so large, vibrant and independent. It has attained unimaginable power and become a key player in politics and other walks of life. Media is the fourth pillar of the state and democracy in both Afghanistan and Pakistan in the true sense of the wor ... more

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Supporting Safety of Journalists in Afghanistan: An Assessment Based on UNESCO's Journalists' Safety Indicators

Ilias Alami, Nangyalay Tanai, Mahmood Mobarez

Paris: UNESCO;International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) (2019), 129 pp.

"This report maps threats against journalists in Afghanistan between January and December 2017. Divided into five key indicator categories, the report first provides an overview of the safety situation of journalists in Afghanistan; followed by the discussion of the roles and responses of State and ... more

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Between the White House and the Kremlin: A Comparative Analysis of Afghan and Tajik Media

Wazhmah Osman

International Journal of Communication, volume 13 (2019), pp. 619-641

"In their postwar, postindependence, and post-Soviet moments, why did two neighbors, Afghanistan and Tajikistan, who share cultural, linguistic, and historical similarities, take radically divergent paths in the development of their mass media, public sphere, and democracy? In this article, I argue ... more

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Afghan journalists in a balancing act: Coping with deteriorating safety

Elisabeth Eide, Abdul Mujeeb Khalvatgar, Hasina Shirzad

Conflict & Communication Online, volume 18, issue 1 (2019), 16 pp.

"Afghan journalists have been experiencing a deteriorating situation, due to a multitude of threats. They operate in a situation of low popular literacy, as well as low media literacy. Threats from Taliban and other insurgents cause many journalists to live in constant fear. This article is based on ... more

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Safety culture changing visual representations of wars? The case of Afghanistan

Saumava Mitra

Conflict & Communication Online, volume 18, issue 1 (2019), 13 pp.

"In international conflict correspondence safety mechanisms are unequally employed to protect local news-staffs in contrast to international staffs. Arguably, this has had the greatest impact on image production from war zones, exposing local photojournalists to increased dangers. But it also raises ... more

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Media Representations and Refugees Crises: Framing of Afghan Refugees in Mainstream Print Media of Pakistan

Sumera Batool

Pakistan Social Sciences Review, volume 3, issue 1 (2019), pp. 461-473

"The main objective of the study is to analyze the framing of Afghan refugees in print media of Pakistan and attempts to generate a substantial body of information about the role of Pakistani media in this regard and presents the issues and problems of afghan refugees after the operation of Zarb-e- ... more

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Brought to You by Foreigners, Warlords, and Local Activists: TV and the Afghan Culture Wars

Wazhmah Osman

In: Modern Afghanistan: The Impact of 40 Years of War

M. Nazif Shahrani (ed.)

Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press (2018), pp. 149-176

"Without a doubt, the combined power of the public arena and broadcast media is a very efective social tool for collective action in Afghanistan. Yet there are serious limits to both the media’s self-advocacy and the public’s strong and unwavering support. Te media-related crimes and murders men ... tioned in this chapter are a few of the many. Yet no arrests are made and no one is prosecuted in most of these cases. Zoorawarah can continue to censor media makers with impunity and without fears of retribution. Broadcasting the incidents of violence and censorship against media personnel and the media writ large, as well as the subsequent protests and production of investigative and expository programs is indeed generative in creating dialogue and raising awareness about media rights and the important role of a free media in a society, but it is clearly not enough. Tus far, we have seen examples of two types of potential cultural imperialism. By aggressively promoting and offering their own media products, programs, and formats, at little or no cost, the argument can be made that foreign countries are impeding the development of Afghanistan’s own media industry, artistry, and media crafts. Additionally, we have seen examples of censorship, both from endogenous and exogenous forces, ranging from pressuring the government to ban programming or directly pressuring producers to do so. In extreme cases, we have seen an egregious third form of censorship becoming prevalent in Afghanistan. High-level media personnel and wealthy media owners who are ofen prominent public fgures, such as politicians, warlords, drug lords, religious leaders, and businessmen, hire body guards and live behind gated fortress mansions, while low-level television personalities and reporters are subjected to threats, physical attacks, and death for providing people with programming they want to watch and which gives them a platform to raise their voices. Hence, it is the mid- and low-level media professionals, not the owners of the television stations they work for nor the foreign governments that are the patrons of the stations, who bear the ultimate burden of media freedom and reform in Afghanistan. Caught between warring ideologies that range from Islamist to commercial to “developmentalist,” as brave as these Afghan media personalities and journalists are, and despite their high media a profile, their low socioeconomic status leaves them vulnerable to abuse and possible death." (Conclusion, page 168-169) more

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Japan's International Democracy Assistance as Soft Power: Neoclassical Realist Analysis

Maiko Ichihara

London; New York: Routledge (2018), xiii, 149 pp.

"Most of Japan's civil society assistance targets media. JICA's policy guideline on peace-building assistance regards media assistance as one of the target categories of Japan's democracy assistance (Japanese International Cooperation Agency JICA, 2009). The International Peace Cooperation Council ( ... Kokusai Heiwa Kyoryoku Kondankai), which was established within the Cabinet Office. recommended boosting Japan's media assistance in its report published in December 2002 (Council on International Peace Cooperation 2002, 42). Japan has assisted media through grants, technical assistance, expert dispatch, expert training, and the provision of materials related to broadcasting (JICA 20046, 50). Japan has provided media assistance mainly to TV and radio stations. According to Masakazu Sakashita (2006, 122), 127 TV media assistance projects and 56 radio assistance projects had been conducted by September 2005, while Japan has never provided media assistance to print media such as newspapers and magazines. This is because Japan regards telecommunication and broadcasting technology as its comparative advantage and thus focuses on those projects that require it. Indeed, the chief characteristic of Japan's media assistance is that it focuses on facilities such as information and telecommunication networks instead of media content. Project contents include the improvement of production capacity and broadcasting skills, repair of ground communication systems, and provision of studio equipment. Seminars are provided to teach how to use and maintain the equipment provided through such projects as well (JICA 20046, 50). Expert training has been conducted for countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka in addition to broadcasting infrastructure assistance, which provided training for program production. However, this training tends to be a mere supplement to broadcasting in frastructure assistance projects (Sakashita 2006, 122). Within JICA, while it is the former Public Policy Department and the current Industrial Development and Public Policy Division that is in charge of democrac y assistance, the Information and Telecommunication Technology Division is in charge of media assistance. This shows that Japan's media assistance is conducted mainly as broadcasting technical assistance rather than democracy assistance, as Sakashita (2006, 122) notes. Japan's media assistance to Afghanistan in 2002 helped broadcast the country's Loya Jirga, or national assembly, on TV via satellite. Its aim was to show the discussion at the national assembly and the process of choosing the interim president of the country to increase the legitimacy of the new administration (JICA 2004a). The political character of this assistance project was distinct compared with Japan's media assistance until then. However, the project assisted only a state hroadcasting station and did not intend to Increase the capacity of primate media's watchdog functions. In this sense, the actual content of this assistance project was state, not civil society assistance. In addition, the contents of this assistance were to upgrade broadcasting in frastructure and provide equipment and training on how to use the equipment. No assistance was provided in terms of the content of the broadcasting. No expert on free and fair broadcasting was included in its preliminary study group, and all the experts were broadcasting technical specialists, which shows the weakness of Japan's interest in supporting the role of media in democracy (JICA 2002). The project document did not set contribution to democracy as an evaluation criterion of the project, either (Sakashita 2006, 124)." (Pages 51-53) more