"Afghanistan als Ganzes wurde von mehreren sich gegenseitig bedingenden Phänomenen geprägt: Einerseits gab es sozialen Wandel und Demokratisierung, andererseits führte die starke Liberalisierung des Medienmarktes zu einer fragmentierten ethnischen Gruppenöffentlichkeit, die die Fragilität der s
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taatlichen Strukturen verstärkte. Einer der Anreize für den starken Medienboom und die Medienentwicklung in Afghanistan 2001–2021 war die Liberalisierungsstrategie nach dem Vorbild der Vereinigten Staaten. Aufgrund ihrer finanziellen Ressourcen und starken Investitionen im Medienbereich haben die US-Amerikaner ihr eigenes, sehr liberales Modell des Mediensystems auch in Afghanistan umgesetzt. Erstmals war es rechtlich möglich, dass jede Person, Organisation oder Partei ein eigenes Medium gründen konnte, sodass fast alle ethnischen und politischen Gruppen über eigene Medienangebote verfügten, teilweise sogar mehrfach. Insbesondere ehemalige Warlords drängten in den Mediensektor und investierten in eigene Medien. Die Liberalisierung des Mediensystems führte so zu einer starken Polarisierung und nicht zu Wachstum im Bereich professioneller Medienstrukturen. Der Anteil an professionellen Medienangeboten und -formaten blieb bis zum Ende der betrachteten Periode bis 2021 hin sehr gering. Der Mangel an (verstärkten) Professionalisierungsversuchen war vor allem darauf zurückzuführen, dass einige professionelle Medienformate klein blieben und hauptsächlich passive Berichterstattung betrieben wurde. Anstatt vor Ort zu recherchieren oder aktiv zu berichten, konzentrierten sich diese Formate darauf, Ereignisse im ganzen Land vor allem aus den großen Städten vom Studio aus zu kommentieren. Die Berichterstattung war oft polarisierend und sensationsheischend, mit dem Ziel, eine möglichst große Zuschauerschaft anzusprechen." (Seite 202-203)
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"Before the Taliban‘s return in 2021, Afghanistan had made notable strides in promoting transparency and civic engagement through progressive laws governing information access. These landmark measures, praised internationally, represented small but significant steps toward strengthening the countr
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y’s nascent democracy. However, with the Taliban in power, these gains were swiftly dismantled, leading to a dramatic erosion of the free exchange of information and a gradual silencing of voices within the country.
This policy paper examines the profound consequences of the Taliban’s assault on the right to information, emphasizing the erosion of established norms and their replacement with arbitrary decrees. The measures in these decrees to control the media and restrict access to information are systematic and targeted. Actions such as banning demonstrations, implementing strict guidelines for journalists, censoring foreign media, and suppressing criticism serve to manipulate public perception. These measures ensure that only information aligning with the Taliban‘s agenda is disseminated. The Taliban‘s violations constitute a flagrant breach of fundamental international legal standards, including the right to life and freedom from torture. Their actions not only infringe upon these essential human rights but also disrupt humanitarian aid efforts for Afghanistan and undermine the international rules-based order. The lack of information about the Taliban’s engagement with terrorist organizations leaves the global community in the dark.
To address this crisis, the international community must isolate the Taliban and seek justice for their crimes against vulnerable populations in Afghanistan. Strengthening global and exile media is crucial for documenting and exposing these violations. The paper further recommends intensifying pressure on the Taliban to compel a reduction in their draconian measures and to restore some measures of information freedom." (Executive summary)
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"This report summarizes Internews’ six-month social media monitoring research conducted in 2023 that aimed to better understand the online mis- and disinformation environment in Afghanistan. [...] The first phase of the study revealed key aspects of Afghanistan's digital information landscape. The
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research found four common narratives around mis- and disinformation including the Taliban/Taliban de facto authorities’ threat to human and minority rights, loss of self-rule, the Taliban de facto authorities’ legitimacy as a governing body, and opposition to their governance. Most of the associated mis- and disinformation associated with these narratives originated from the Afghan diaspora.
The research also found a gender imbalance in the digital discourse, with male-dominated discussions and limited female participation. Gender narratives on social media are mostly driven by men, often portraying women passively, and include disinformation tactics by the Taliban de facto authorities, such as falsely showing women's support for oppressive policies. Anti-Taliban sentiments included former government figures who significantly shape digital discourse and contribute to spreading disinformation including exaggerations or fabrications of the authorities’ actions. However, alongside anti-Taliban sentiments, there was a notable pro-Taliban commentary endorsing their governance and presenting them in favourable ways.
Our findings for the second phase reveal several troubling trends. Many news stories feature clickbait or misleading headlines that don't align with the actual content. A significant problem is the presentation of unverified information as fact, which fosters public mistrust. Approximately 40% of false news stories lack sources, and over half rely on just a single source, affecting the depth and reliability of reporting. Additionally, there is a tendency to use sensational headlines and emotionally charged content to increase engagement, often sacrificing factual accuracy. The rapid spread of misinformation is also facilitated by exploiting audience behaviours on social media. Afghan media, particularly those dependent on donor funding, struggle to balance accurate reporting with the need for high audience engagement. Complex reporting dynamics in Afghanistan include protecting sources, relying on second-hand information, and the difficulty of verifying claims made on social media. While some media outlets endeavour to use diverse sources, the challenges of fact verification and maintaining reporting integrity persist.
The report recommends establishing fact-checking initiatives, promoting digital literacy, and ethical journalism practices. For media outlets, transparency, audience engagement, and balance are key. Meanwhile, donors should prioritize funding for independent media, invest in technology, and support capacity building and collaborative reporting initiatives." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"This research study delves into the intricate landscape of media in Afghanistan after 15 August 2021, focusing on the coexistence of local and Expat Afghan Media within the challenging context of Taliban constraints. In the wake of the Taliban's resurgence and control of Afghanistan, The challengin
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g environment has compelled many journalists to flee the country, and media outlets have been grappled with a myriad of restrictions and limitations. This study seeks to shed light on the unique dynamics, struggles, and resilience displayed by these media entities as they navigate a complex environment characterized by censorship, security concerns, and shifting political realities. Through a comprehensive analysis of case studies, reports, and content analysis, this research aims to provide insights into the role of media in shaping public discourse, promoting free expression, and fostering a sense of identity and belonging among Afghans during these challenging times. Ultimately, this investigation contributes to a deeper understanding of the critical role media plays in societies facing political and ideological constraints and highlights the voices that persist amidst adversity." (Abstract)
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"Die beschriebene Quellenlage stellt auch für die Länderanalyse eine Herausforderung dar. Afghanische Medien geben einen guten Überblick darüber, wie die Taliban sich präsentieren möchten. Auch neue Verordnungen und Erlasse der Zentralregierung sind so nachvollziehbar. Dies gilt jedoch nicht f
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ür die Situation in den Provinzen, aus denen es nur sporadische Berichte gibt. Afghanische Medien mit Sitz im Ausland geben auch vereinzelte Einblicke in Vorfälle von Gewalt und Verfolgung. Manchmal können internationale Medien zusätzliche Informationen liefern. Soziale Medien liefern Hinweise auf Protestbewegungen und selten auch Informationen zu Verfolgung und bewaffneten Auseinandersetzungen. Diese Informationen werden auf Grund der fehlenden Möglichkeit zur Verifizierung jedoch nur genutzt, wenn sie nach der Einordnung in die allgemeine Lage plausibel erscheinen. Insgesamt findet ein regelmäßiger Abgleich mit Berichten von internationalen Organisationen und deren Einschätzungen der Situation in Afghanistan statt. Nichtsdestotrotz ist die Informationslage zu allen oben genannten „unerwünschten Themen“ unverändert als sehr schlecht einzuschätzen." (Fazit, Seite 6)
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"Saad Mohseni, chairman and CEO of Moby Group, Afghanistan's largest media company, charts a twenty-year effort to bring a free press to his country after years of Taliban rule, and how that effort persists even after the Taliban's return to power in 2021. In the heady early days of the American occ
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upation, Mohseni returns to Kabul which he had last seen as a child before the Soviet invasion. Casting about for ways to be involved in the dawn of a new Afghanistan, Mohseni makes what seems like a quixotic decision to leave the comforts of a career in international banking to start a Kabul radio station with his three siblings. This unlikely venture quickly blossoms into a burgeoning television empire, bringing Mohseni and his family and employees into sometimes uncomfortable contact with everyone who has a stake in the country-from the government of Hamid Karzai to White House officials. Moreover, their radio and television networks soon become a necessary beacon for millions of Afghans, who rely on them not just for independent news but for joyful pleasures like soap operas and Afghan Star, a beloved national singing competition in a country whose previous rulers had banned (and would again ban) music. Mohseni's position at Moby affords him unique insights into this extraordinary yet troubled country, the youngest in the world outside of Sub-Saharan Africa, and his powerful account captures the spirit and resilience of the Afghan people-notably the hundreds of men and women still working in Moby's Kabul office today, who, once again under Taliban rule, create programs, report the news, and educate the public. Radio Free Afghanistan is a stunning, vibrant portrait of a nation in turmoil, poised between despair and hope." (Publisher description)
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"Affective polarization has been a persistent feature of Afghanistan’s society and politics in the past decades. However, with the instantaneous collapse of the republic’s government and the return of the Taliban, the country has witnessed heightened affective polarization along ethnic and ideol
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ogical lines. Stemming from deep-rooted historical grievances, aggregated conflicts, and over a century of failed struggles for statebuilding and nation-building in Afghanistan, the surge in affective polarization is intricately linked with the elite’s behaviour and social media use. Outbidding strategies by elites result in more extreme positions. Coupled with the dissemination of hate and harmful messages, and divisive online content, this attracts wider attention and social support against a background of dwindling inter-group trust, state failure, and uncertainty over the political prospects. This article attempts to conceptualize the complex causal relations of affective polarization, elite behaviour, and social media platforms in Afghanistan’s fragmented social and political landscape." (Abstract)
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"The Afghan media landscape stands at a crossroads, navigating a landscape rife with challenges and uncertainties in the wake of the Taliban's resurgence. The post-Taliban era, marked by a thriving media sector with 160 television channels, 311 radio stations, 90 print newspapers, and 26 news agenci
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es, has witnessed a drastic transformation. The current media landscape, with 70 television channels, 211 radio stations, 11 print newspapers, and 9 news agencies, reflects a significant decline in numbers and diversity. Under the de facto rule of the Taliban, the media sector has encountered substantial constraints. Censorship and self-censorship have become rampant, with journalists and media outlets navigating the perilous territory of permissible content. Threats, intimidation, and violence against media professionals have created an atmosphere of fear, leading to an exodus of skilled journalists. Investigative journalism, once a cornerstone of accountability, has been stifled, and access to unbiased information has dwindled, leaving citizens ill-informed.
The closure of media outlets has far-reaching implications, including restricted information flow, suppressed free speech, and diminished content diversity. The narrative has further fragmented between Kabul and the provinces, where media freedom varies significantly. Female journalists remain conspicuously absent in many regions, underscoring the entrenched gender disparity in the field. International media outlets, under surveillance and restraints, grapple with maintaining their operations and integrity in an increasingly controlled environment. Social media, once a platform for open dialogue, faces censorship and restrictions, hampering the exchange of ideas. As Afghanistan's media landscape evolves, the absence of comprehensive legal frameworks has exacerbated challenges. The suspension of the Mass Media Law and the Access to Information Law during the transitional phase has left media professionals in a legal gray area. The need for inclusive consultations with media stakeholders to shape these laws cannot be overstated. In this complex milieu, it is evident that safeguarding the media's role as a communication bridge between the government and the people is paramount. Collaborative efforts between the Islamic Emirate, the international community, and media support organizations are essential to prevent the collapse of Afghanistan's media landscape." (Conclusion, pages 16-17)
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"Oppression of women, financial meltdown, censorship: Research findings by Afghan NGO Nai SOMA and DW Akademie highlight the extent of the Afghan media sector’s breakdown after the Taliban took power in Kabul." (Page 1)
"Against the backdrop of a highly precarious situation for journalists, a severe economic crisis is unfolding within Afghan media houses, according to a survey on the current state of the media sector in Afghanistan conducted by DW Akademie and partner organizations. Data were collected in February
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2022. 175 Afghan media professionals responded anonymously to an online survey. The results cast new light on the far-reaching changes within the sector. Half a year after the Taliban took power, most Afghan media houses are facing collapse." (Introduction)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Afghanistan, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in developmen
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t work, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing1) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication." (Introduction, page 4)
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"An independent media is essential to tell the world the complex unfolding story of Afghanistan. Journalists remaining in Afghanistan, as well as those who have left, desperately need support from the international community. There is need for solidarity and interventions on several fronts. The Afgh
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an journalists who have fled the country need support to relocate and restart their lives. Release from military camps in Pakistan, Abu Dhabi, Macedonia and Albania and facilitation of visas to proceed to their destination must be a priority. Support in terms of finances, skills building, resources and jobs to integrate them into their new homes is also the need of the hour. Within Afghanistan, a functioning economy needs to be restored after freezing of its assets, international sanctions and cuts in aid have contributed to a severe financial crisis in the country. Besides immediate financial assistance to survive in the short term, journalists and media houses need funds, training for the newly hired media workers and support from the international community to help rebuild the media. Regaining lost ground is crucial. Support for women journalists who are currently out of jobs, is a need that the international community can and must fulfil." (Page 4)
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"[...] Since returning to power in August 2021, the Taliban has imposed a new media control regime, which has three key features: restriction, gender-discrimination, and repression with impunity. First, the Taliban has passed several media policies, imposing extreme constraints on press freedom and
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media rights. Any sort of critical reporting on topics related to the government or the public is banned. The Taliban regulate the content of publications and broadcasts, imposing broad, vaguely worded prohibitions. For example, under the new regulations, media content that contradicts “Islamic values,” “Afghan values,” and “public interest” is prohibited. No operational definitions have been provided for these terms, nor an objective standard for assessing and determining breach. This has caused uncertainty and confusion about what the media can and cannot publish and broadcast, often resulting in precautionary media self-censorship. The new rules also give the Taliban sweeping powers to directly control the media and news output, barring broadcast and publication of matters and content that has not been officially sanctioned by Taliban official/s. These restrictions and interferences limit the right and ability of the Afghan media to seek, receive and impart information freely and independently.
Second, the Taliban has passed policies specifically targeting Afghan women in the media. These restrictions give the Taliban control over women’s attire and the nature and scope of their involvement in the media, restraining their freedom of expression and movement, as well as their ability to perform their tasks effectively. The general travel restrictions on women and girls make it almost impossible for women to work, in particular, limiting the ability of female journalists from gathering information or contributing to field reporting. The Taliban’s antiwomen media policies and practices are aimed towards excluding Afghan women from the media and public life.
Third, the Taliban treats the Afghan media and media-related affairs as a security threat. The Taliban security and intelligence agencies are increasingly involved in controlling media affairs. Taliban operatives use repressive measures against members of the Afghan media in claiming to enforce the new regulations. Afghan journalists and other members of the media have been subjected to heavy surveillance, intimidation, and arbitrary arrest and detention. Cases of beatings, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings have also taken place." (Executive summary, pages 1-2)
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"Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996–2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government.
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Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Since the two decades of war after 9/11, media have still been maintaining its responsibility in Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists." (Abstract)
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"This article traces how the Afghan cultural, media, and arts sectors have gone through cycles of boom and bust in tandem with the country’s tumultuous history in recent decades, starting with the prewar golden era in the 1960s and 1970s, then focusing on the post-9/11 internationally funded media
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expansion, and finally on the Taliban’s return to power. The current exodus of human talent, due to forced migration, dispossession, and displacement, amounts to a profound cultural loss. But the country has already been transformed by the influence of a period of media freedoms and an emergent public sphere that created space for democratic debate and cosmopolitan cultural expression." (Abstract)
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"Written just prior to the Taliban's rapid takeover of Afghanistan, this new report from Shorenstein Center Fellow Samiullah Mahdi provides an overview of the media landscape in Afghanistan, and the threats to and opportunities for press freedom in the region." (Introduction)
"In 2020 Internews launched the Rooted in Trust project to counter rumors and misinformation about COVID-19. They commissioned Translators without Borders (TWB) to map community radio stations and investigate the language and translation challenges community radio broadcasters face when relaying off
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icial COVID-19 risk communication to their audience. To better understand these challenges, TWB conducted a survey and interviews with 65 community radio broadcasters, representing a quarter of all community radio stations across Afghanistan. Based on our survey, we mapped community radio stations and the reach of each radio signal to estimate overall radio coverage across the country. Where possible, we triangulated our findings with data from Internews’ Information Ecosystem Assessment in Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat. Community radio stations remain an important source of information, especially for rural populations, less literate individuals, and in remote provinces. During public health emergencies, broadcasters can turn into health communicators and support the relay of risk communication, but they face several challenges.
• Radio signals don’t cover all provinces: Based on the radio signals we were able to map, radio coverage doesn’t reach people equally across the country. Speakers of marginalized languages have especially limited access to radio broadcasts. Relative to population density, speakers of Turkmeni, Brahui, Balochi, and Uzbeki have especially limited access to radio broadcasts.
• Few broadcasts are in languages other than Dari and Pashto: Dari and Pashto are the main broadcasting languages, but not everyone understands them. Broadcasts in other languages are largely limited to adverts, short audio clips, and sporadic language mixing in talk shows and call-in shows. Dedicated programs providing in-depth information in another language are rare.
• Language barriers reduce the quality and timeliness of broadcasts: Community radio stations lack resources and translation capacity to broadcast in languages other than Dari or Pashto. As a result, some important information is delayed, and some is never broadcast at all. The quality and level of detail of broadcasts in other languages is also reduced.
• Broadcasters face difficulties accessing available information: Most community radio stations have limited access to the internet and experience electricity failures. This makes accessing and validating available information on COVID 19 extremely difficult. Also, background information is often passed to broadcasters in English, but with limited internet access this information can’t readily be translated.
• Information needs to be provided in plain language: Broadcasters don’t relay information that uses complicated language or technical and medical terms. New terms and complex new information around medical issues need to be rewritten and presented in plain language for a general audience. Yet community radio stations often can’t provide plain-language editing, so don’t relay more complex information." (Overview, page 1)
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"Afghanistan media has a history of 147 years. In 1873 the first ever paper, Shamsunahar, was established. The first radio transmitter was installed in 1920. The first TV broadcast happened in Kabul in 1978. The Internet was linked and used in Afghanistan during the Taliban period after 1996, althou
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gh it was not public and was used only by Taliban leaders. According to Nai Supporting Open Media, the leading Media Advocacy NGO in Afghanistan, there are 464 operational media in the country, which has the best media law in the region and one of the tops “Access to Information” bills in the world. But, since 2001, almost 120 journalists and media workers have been killed; more than 1550 violence cases against media have been registered and, except for a few of them, no prosecution processes have been launched for the cases. In practice access to information, despite having a good law, is one of the biggest challenges regarding freedom of expression, along with security and financial sustainability. The Taliban pose a great threat to media. Out of 120 journalists and media staff that have been killed since 2001, over 55 have been killed by the Taliban. On the other side, the Government of Afghanistan is yet to start addressing the violence cases against journalists allegedly perpetrated by governmental staff, particularly security forces. The government is not as supportive as it is stated to be by law and poses pressures which are among the challenges to freedom of expression. It has been known to set barriers to a free flow of information and to find various ways to prevent broadcasting stories about its failures. Financial challenges caused almost 240 media outlets to stop their activities in the country since 2014. Tens of radio stations and almost 6 TV stations are among the media outlets that have stopped their activities mainly because of financial problems. Although there are no specific studies that analyse public trust in media, the article “Media and government in the era of democracy” published on The Daily Afghanistan magazine shows the existence of a strong public trust in the media. When people are disappointed or have their rights infringed by a governmental entity, they turn to various media to make the problem known. That explains the popularity of media programmes that review cases and court hearings." (Overview)
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"Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of Afghan media producers and people from all sectors of society. In this moving work, Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the r
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ole of international interventions. Osman looks at the national and transnational impact of media companies like Tolo TV, Radio Television Afghanistan, and foreign media giants and funders like the British Broadcasting Corporation and USAID. By focusing on local cultural contestations, productions, and social movements, Television and the Afghan Culture Wars redirects the global dialogue about Afghanistan to Afghans and thereby challenges top-down narratives of humanitarian development." (Publisher description)
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"In their postwar, postindependence, and post-Soviet moments, why did two neighbors, Afghanistan and Tajikistan, who share cultural, linguistic, and historical similarities, take radically divergent paths in the development of their mass media, public sphere, and democracy? In this article, I argue
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against the popular sentiment that the reason for their striking post-9/11 disparities—namely Afghanistan’s relatively open and diverse media environment and Tajikistan’s repressive media regime—is that Afghanistan remains under the purview of influence and development aid of the United States and, conversely, Tajikistan is still under Russian control. Using case examples from my fieldwork in both countries, I demonstrate that the fact that Afghanistan is not unilaterally under the influence of U.S. aid is precisely why Afghanistan has not yet fallen down the slippery slope of commercialization, and its media world remains vibrant and viable, albeit fragile." (Abstract)
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