"Im ersten Teil geben wir einen Überblick über den Einsatz von generativer KI in der politischen Kampagnenkommunikation. Insbesondere die generativen KI-Tools ChatGPT und Midjourney werden zunehmend in politischen Kampagnen eingesetzt, um menschenähnliche Texte beziehungsweise fotorealistische Bi
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lder zu erstellen [...] Der zweite Teil liefert ein umfassendes Bild von den Einstellungen der deutschen Bevölkerung zum Einsatz von generativer KI in politischen Kampagnen. Dafür haben wir eine repräsentative Online-Befragung von knapp 2.000 Teilnehmenden durchgeführt und Menschen zu ihrem KI-Wissen und ihren Einschätzungen zur KI-Nutzung in der Politik befragt [...] Im dritten Teil der Studie untersuchen wir, inwieweit KI-generierte Botschaften in politischen Kampagnen von Bürger*innen erkannt und wahrgenommen werden, aber auch wie sie ihre Einstellungen hinsichtlich des politischen Einsatzes von generativer KI beeinflussen. Dafür haben wir ein Online-Experiment mit ebenfalls rund 2.000 neuen Teilnehmenden durchgeführt." (Einleitung, Seiten 7-8)
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"Voraussetzung dafür, dass (politische) Fake News Wirkung entfalten, sind gewisse Vulnerabilitätsfaktoren auf Seiten der Userinnen und User. Laut den Studien von Daunt und anderen (2023) sowie von Gupta und anderen (2023) gehören dazu zum Beispiel der Glaube an Verschwörungserzählungen, Patriot
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ismus, Konservatismus und die Tendenz zu kollektivistischen Ideen von Gesellschaft. Die Analysen von Schnaudt (2024) zeigen, dass Verschwörungserzählungen nicht nur in den USA, sondern auch in den europäischen Ländern eine Herausforderung für demokratische Prozesse (z. B. Wahlen) darstellen, wenn Menschen die falschen Informationen für glaubwürdig halten. Auch Mauk und Grömping (2024) fanden in ihrer Studie heraus, dass Autoritarismus und Verschwörungsmentalität, also die Neigung, sich die Welt über Verschwörungstheorien zu erklären, das Vertrauen in Wahlen mindern, weil Informationen motiviert, das heißt in Richtung einer bestehenden Voreinstellung, verarbeitet werden. Fake News können diese motivierte Verarbeitung unterstützen und damit einen destabilisierenden Effekt erzeugen. Laut Stachofsky, Schaupp und Crossler (2023) besteht gerade bei Wählergruppen, die ihre Informationen aus Quellen beziehen, die häufig (politische) Fake News verbreiten, eine besondere Anfälligkeit, die Integrität von Wahlen in Zweifel zu ziehen. Besonders interessant ist in diesem Zusammenhang die Erkenntnis, dass die Herausforderung durch Falschinformationen und Verschwörungserzählungen ironischerweise gerade in denjenigen Ländern hoch ausgeprägt ist, in denen die Rahmenbedingungen für demokratische und unbeeinflusste Wahlen objektiv am günstigsten sind (vgl. auch die Studie von Vliegenthart und anderen, 2024). Und selbst wenn keine tatsächlichen Erkenntnisse über Anomalien bei der Durchführung von Wahlen vorliegen, können Informationen über die Wahrscheinlichkeit von Unregelmäßigkeiten die oben erwähnte motivierte Informationsverarbeitung in Gang setzten und das Vertrauen in die Integrität von Wahlen bedrohen (vgl. die Studie von Kuk, Lee und Rhee (2024)). Studien, die den direkten Einfluss von Fake News auf Wahlentscheidungen untersuchen, sind methodisch schwierig und selten zu finden. Iida und andere (2024) konnten nur geringe Effekte feststellen und betonen, dass eine entsprechende Wirkung eher bei Personen entsteht, die keine ausgeprägten politischen Überzeugungen haben und/oder politisch weniger gut informiert sind. Auch Cantarella, Fraccaroli und Volpe (2023) konnten nur kleine Effekte ermitteln, die jedoch signifikant zum Wahlergebnis zugunsten populistischer Parteien in Italien beigetragen haben." (Zusammenfassung, Seiten 1-2)
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"Recent technological developments have raised concerns about threats to democracy because of their potential to distort election outcomes: (a) data-driven voter research enabling political microtargeting and (b) growing news consumption via social media and news aggregators that obfuscate the origi
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n of news items, leading to voters’ unawareness about a news sender’s identity. We provide a theoretical framework in which we can analyze the effects that microtargeting by political interest groups and unawareness have on election outcomes in comparison to “conventional” news reporting. We show which voter groups suffer from which technological development (a) or (b). While both microtargeting and unawareness have negative effects on voter welfare, we show that only unawareness can flip an election. Our model framework allows the theory-based discussion of policy proposals, such as to ban microtargeting or to require news platforms to signal the political orientation of a news item’s originator." (Abstract)
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"This study observes content-related indicators of the editorial decisions made by factcheckers during the 2022 Brazilian run-off election. Specifically, it aims to investigate factcheckers’ outputs regarding verification genres, scrutinized actors, types of verified falsehoods, and inspected plat
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forms. The focus on Brazil stems from its reputation as a disinformation hub, owing to social polarization, populist communication, high social media use, low media trust, and intense WhatsApp penetration. Consequently, factchecking agencies have proliferated within Brazil’s media landscape. To provide some hints about the fact-checkers’ editorial choices, we conducted a quantitative content analysis of verification articles (n = 349) published during the second round of the presidential election by four leading fact-checking organizations: Lupa and Aos Fatos (independents), Estadão Verifica (press), and AFP Checamos (global news agency). The results reveal a prioritization of combating online falsehoods (82.2%) spread by anonymous sources, as opposed to verifying public figures’ statements (5.5%), a trend already observed in other media systems. Although Meta’s social networks and Twitter are primarily monitored, other platforms such as TikTok, Kwai, and Telegram are increasingly gaining fact-checkers’ attention. Fact-checkers predominantly scrutinized anonymous disinformation agents. Moreover, they primarily debunked falsehoods targeting the opposition, legacy media, social networking companies, and the Supreme Electoral Court. Despite the anonymity, 77.4% of the verified falsehoods were found to be beneficial to Bolsonaro, while 12% were advantageous to Lula da Silva." (Abstract)
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"Digital technology has revolutionized how political ads are delivered and consumed, giving political campaigns increased possibilities to target and tailor their messaging to specific audiences—a practice known as political microtargeting (PMT). While PMT has potential benefits for society, it al
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so entails significant risks that have yet to be adequately addressed by regulators around the globe. This report offers fundamental guidance on PMT for policymakers, civil society, and other relevant stakeholders, providing recommendations for action and an overview of possible protective measures. Public discourse has so far mostly focused on PMT cases in the Global North, such as US elections or Brexit, whereas the practice is becoming increasingly adopted worldwide. In lower-income countries, the impact of PMT may be felt even more strongly due to context-specific factors such as lower levels of digital skills and media literacy, higher prevalence of political violence, weaker or non-existent legal and regulatory frameworks, and less resilient democratic institutions. This report contributes to balancing the global coverage by focusing on cases and examples from the Global South. Recent advances in artificial intelligence (AI) have added to the urgency of investigating PMT, as they amplify the capabilities of targeted messaging and intensify the risk of online disinformation though automated generation and manipulation of content." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"The “Georgian Elections Observatory (#GEObservatory24)” was a short-term initiative aimed at fact-checking pre-election narratives leading up to the parliamentary elections on October 26, 2024, together with a few immediate post-election analyses. Unlike traditional fact-checking platforms, thi
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s project analysed entire narratives, combining political analysis with media scrutiny to provide a compre hensive understanding of the pre-election discourse. The project was supported by the Swedish Fojo Media Institute, the Georgian Investigative Media Lab (IML), and the University of Georgia (UG) Security, Policy, and Nationalism Research Center (UGSPN). This Fojo Media Insight offers several critical lessons for journalism, particularly in covering elections and political narratives such as the importance of comprehensive narrative analysis, the role of historical context, the manipulation of fear and utilisation of conspiracy theories, the instrumentalisation of identity issues, such as religion and theories. The discussion on electoral legitimacy highlights the critical role of the media in ensuring transparent and fair elections. Finally, this working paper underscores the need for international collaboration in journalism." (Back cover)
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"En contexte d’élections hors pair comme en 2023 en RDC, on s’attendrait à une contestation populaire des résultats. Mais le contraire s’est avéré vrai. Comment expliquer ce paradoxe ? A travers une approche herméneutique, sous-tendue par la recherche documentaire et l’observation dire
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cte, cet article démontre ce paradoxe s’explique par le fait que la CENI a bien managé avec la de communication visant l’intercompréhension à travers le two step flow of communication. En effet, au lieu de s’adresser aux contestataires de droit, les candidats, elle s’est plutôt adressée à l’opinion publique. Mais pour bien atteindre cette dernière, elle est passée par les confessions religieuses, la MOE CENCO- ECC notamment, dont elle s’est servie comme boucliers en même temps qu’elle les neutralisait à travers une subtile dynamique adaptation-résilience. Mais attention ! Certains éléments qui fondent le dialogue, à savoir la vérité : la justesse, la sincérité et la pertinence ont été bafoués. La crise reste donc latente." (Abstract)
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"News is increasingly consumed via search engines. Yet, there is little research on foreign news consumption through search engines. This study thus focuses on the presence of foreign news in political search results in a peripheral country that is at the focal point of the international conflict be
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tween Russia and the West. For that, I conducted an algorithm audit of Google’s Web search results in Belarus to queries on the 2020 Belarusian presidential election. An analysis of 50,400 search results collected daily over 4 months surrounding the election from google.by revealed that Google in Belarus overwhelmingly favored foreign news outlets (mostly Western and Russian; 63%) over domestic Belarusian ones (37%). While the presence of Western news outlets (28.5%) may be argued to contribute to the democratization of the Belarusian public sphere, websites affiliated with Russia’s ruling elites (23%) most likely linked in favor of the ruling dictator Lukashenko. These findings advance the classic news flow research by demonstrating that international news flows are unbalanced toward a hierarchical core-periphery structure also when mediated through search engines." (Abstract)
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"Falsehoods targeting political parties and candidates have long been entrenched in Brazilian politics and monitored by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE). Since the rise of the far right in Brazil, the TSE has itself become a disinformation target. This study aims to unveil disinformation that has
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been directed at the Brazilian electoral system since 2018 and explore the court’s responses. First, we quantitatively analyzed 420 verification articles from the TSE’s Fato ou Boato website to identify the falsehoods’ origins, targets, narratives, and deceptive strategies. Second, we conducted expert interviews and qualitatively examined official documents to explore counteraction strategies, particularly collaborations with fact-checkers. The findings indicate that disinformation primarily revolves around the alleged vulnerability of the electronic voting system (25%) and supposed illegal actions that have been committed by the TSE (15%). Supreme Federal Court ministers, notably Luís Barroso and Alexandre de Moraes, have become frequent targets. Assaults on the TSE surged from 15% (2018) to 27% (2022). Strengthened collaboration with fact-checkers enhances their societal recognition and significance in the Brazilian public sphere." (Abstract)
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"We use the concept of hagiography to analyze the absurd content found in the memes that circulated after the first round of Chile’s 2021 presidential election. We examined 201 video and image memes to elucidate how the supporters of the then-candidate Gabriel Boric created a narrative of the poli
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tical moment. A qualitative multimodal analysis shows the use of absurdity to create a heroic idealization of the leftist politician who eventually won the presidency. Social media users depicted the election as a climactic moment where democracy was in danger and portrayed Boric as the hero who appeared at just the right moment with the right message. The term hagiography refers to stories about saints that were read collectively and contributed to the creation of worship communities in medieval Europe. This notion, together with multimodal analysis, helps us understand absurdity not only as a matter of form and content but also as a mode of interaction mediated by memes." (Abstract)
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"Disinformation campaigns have targeted every region of the continent. At least 39 African countries have been the target of a specific disinformation campaign. Disinformation tends to be concentrated. Half of the countries subjected to disinformation (20 of the 39) have been targeted three or more
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times, up from just seven countries meeting that threshold in 2022. African countries experiencing conflict are subject to much greater levels of disinformation—facing a median of 5 campaigns– highlighting the connection between instability and disinformation.
Countries confronting disinformation typically face multiple disinformation actors. At times, these actors amplify one another’s misleading narratives, while at others, they clash or stay in separate lanes. Nearly 60 percent of disinformation campaigns on the continent are foreign state-sponsored—with Russia, China, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, and Qatar as the primary sponsors.
Russia continues to be the primary purveyor of disinformation in Africa, sponsoring 80 documented campaigns, targeting more than 22 countries. This represents nearly 40 percent of all disinformation campaigns in Africa. These 80 campaigns have reached many millions of users through tens of thousands of coordinated fake pages and posts. Aggressively leveraging disinformation is a mainstay of Russia’s use of irregular channels to gain influence in Africa. Russia has promulgated disinformation to undermine democracy in at least 19 African countries, contributingto the continent’s backsliding on this front.
African elections provide prime opportunities for disinformation. Some employ mercenary disinfo-ops teams. One private Israeli group, dubbed “Team Jorge,” has reportedly implemented disinformation campaigns to disrupt over 20 African elections since 2015. Domestic actors have also increasingly integrated disinformation into their political playbooks, notably during Kenya’s 2022 and Nigeria’s 2023 election. African countries that uphold presidential term limits (i.e., those with stronger checks and balances) are less exposed to foreign sponsored disinformation, with an average of 1.5 campaigns compared to an average of over 3 campaigns for countries without term limits. This underscores the common aim of foreign disinformation to prop up authoritarian actors." (Highlights)
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"We investigate how dominant media networks can manipulate voters in young democracies. During the first presidential election after the democratic transition in Brazil, TV Globo, the largest and most-watched network in the country, unexpectedly manipulated the news coverage of the last debate 2 day
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s before the decisive second round. In a video segment, Globo unfavorably depicted the left-wing candidate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Using the geographical distribution of broadcaster-specific TV signals and the timing of election events, we identify the effect of the manipulation net of the effect of the debate itself, showing that Globo’s misleading reporting caused Lula to lose millions of votes. Our results showcase how the media can reshape an election in a single stroke, especially where the media is concentrated and politically inexperienced voters have few other sources of information." (Abstract)
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"The main objective of coming up with the manual is to equip media practitioners and media houses with the necessary knowledge and skills on how to report elections to assist in the creation of a conducive environment for the holding of free and credible elections. The manual gives media practitione
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rs an opportunity to understand basic electoral processes as well as the electoral cycle. It is the Zimbabwe Media Commission's expectation that this manual will be used as a critical resource material in the training of media practitioners towards the appreciation and understanding of the electoral cycle. It is also hoped that the manual will be used by training institutions as part of training modules in elections reporting. The manual is also intended to raise awareness on media practitioners' safety when covering electoral processes and any other related activities." (Foreword, page II-iii)
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