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Information Manipulation in Sudan: A Baseline Assessment of Actors, Narratives and Tactics

Aida Al-Kaisy, Amal Hamdan

Thomson Foundation (2026), 81 pp.

"The destruction of Sudan’s established information infrastructure at the outset of the conflict in April 2023 has created an environment where systematic information manipulation and disinformation campaigns now flourish unchecked. This has intersected with increasing systematic information manip ... more

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No Signal, no Voice: How Internet Shutdowns Undermined Uganda’s 2026 Elections

Kampala: Unwanted Witness; Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET) (2026), 55 pp.

"This report finds that significant, deliberate, and centrally coordinated internet disruptions occurred before, during, and after Uganda’s January 2026 general elections. Contrary to public assurances issued by government officials in the weeks preceding polling, access to the internet was progre ... more

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El insulto como estrategia: Un análisis de 113.000 tuits del presidente Milei

Sandra Crucianelli et al.

Foro de Periodismo Argentino (FOPEA) (2026)

"La llegada de Javier Milei a la arena pública, primero como panelista televisivo y líder de opinión, luego como diputado nacional y finalmente como presidente, marcó el inicio de una forma de comunicación plagada de ofensas hacia quien piensa diferente. Un equipo de DJV Bootcamp analizó 113.6 ... more

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Hacia las urnas: La prensa argentina en la transición democrática

Marcelo Borrelli, María Paula Gago (coord.)

Buenos Aires: Teseo (2026), 180 pp.

"En este libro se analizan los comportamientos editoriales de la prensa argentina entre el fin de la guerra por Malvinas, a mediados de 1982, y el ascenso al gobierno de Raúl Alfonsín, en diciembre de 1983. Se trata de un periodo de revitalización informativa de la sociedad, durante el cual los m ... more

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Generative AI and democracy: Study on advantages and risks of the use of generative artificial intelligence in public debate and democratic processes

Natali Helberger, Claes de Vreese, Gionata Bouche, Agustin Ferrari Braun, Max van Drunen, Simon Kruschinski, Nicolas Mattis, Sophie Morosoli, Laurens Naudts, Charis Papaevangelou, Theresa Seipp, Fabio Votta, Teresa Weikmann

Strasbourg: Council of Europe, Steering Committee on Democracy (CDDM) (2026), 77 pp.

"The key finding of this report is that it is not enough to make sure that the technology is safe and no risk to human rights and public values. GenAI’s impact and potential for the realisation of fundamental rights depends on the societal, organisation and regulatory context in which it operates, ... the possibility for institutions to make value-driven choices and regulators that actively promote public innovation where the interests of society as a whole outweigh purely economic interests of a concentrated handful of technology companies. This report has made the argument that GenAI and its implications for human rights and democracy must be seen in the context of the configurations of infrastructural and political power, and who is able and entitled to decide the course and character of innovation. [...] The report makes a number of recommendations to the Council of Europe: 1. Provide substantive guidance and standardisation: As a human rights organisation, the Council of Europe is particularly well prepared to develop more substantive guidance and identify, concretise and monitor risks to democracy, human rights and political equality, be that in the way GenAI is used in democratic practices like elections, the more structural implications for democratic institutions (such as the free press) as well as the democratic governance of AI. Next to a focus on risks, the Council of Europe can also usefully develop guidance how AI can advance democracy and human rights and develop a value-driven interpretation of “public interest innovation” to inform States, companies and standardisation processes. 2. Incentivise and enable public interest innovation: Next to the risked-based approach to AI that is also enshrined in the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention, the Council of Europe could develop guidance on policies and governance approaches that enable and incentivise public interest innovation. It could help identify the democratic and human rights implications of procurement choices, and develop narratives to prioritize value-oriented innovation, open-source datasets, decentralisation and interoperability above the promotion of scale and innovation driven by a concentrated number of technology companies. 3. Strengthen democratic resilience and ability to govern: The Council of Europe, and the CDDEM specifically, could have an important role in exploring mechanisms and regulatory solutions to map and remedy existing dependencies and identify mission-critical elements of a European digital ecosystem, for example through monitoring the use of GenAI in elections, stimulating the development of public interest information infrastructures and strengthening the ability of states to develop democratic and inclusive ways of governing GenAI. Next to digital autonomy, empowering public accountability actors like civil society, equality bodies, academics or investigative reporters to participate in the governance of the digital transformation are critical conditions for strengthening democratic resilience. Finally, democratic resilience also means enabling more meaningful citizen engagement, including of otherwise often marginalised groups, for example through transparency, literacy and meaningful participation in decision making." (Executive summary) more

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Disinformation in Georgia

Koba Turmanidze (ed.)

Caucasus Analytical Digest, issue 145 (2026), 24 pp.

"One highly at-risk cluster is defined by socio-economic and geographic disadvantages. Vulnerability is greater among women, rural residents, and those with lower education and income, according to Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani. The authors further highlight that women living in rural areas with lower ... levels of education and income are collectively most at risk, as assessed by their ability to recognize information correctly. Similarly, Atchaidze and Fabos found that individuals living in rural settlements and those with lower reported income were most likely to receive low scores on the media literacy index, often inaccurately identifying answers as true or false, particularly on themes related to EU integration. A critical finding regarding vulnerability relates to ethnic minorities. The study by Atchaidze and Fabos demonstrated a clear media literacy divide, reporting that ethnic Azerbaijanis and ethnic Armenians scored far lower on the media literacy index compared to ethnic Georgians. These groups’ struggle to accurately assess politically relevant information makes them prime targets for false narratives. Political and ideological factors are also strong predictors of susceptibility. Crucially, politically unaffiliated individuals (nonpartisans or those declining to disclose party affiliation) are the most vulnerable group, reporting the lowest rates of fact-checking and the lowest accuracy in evaluating information, as demonstrated by Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani. Conversely, Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani note that partisan attachment, particularly among opposition supporters, can foster heightened vigilance, leading to greater skepticism and accuracy. Furthermore, subscription to conspiratorial beliefs significantly increases susceptibility to manipulation. Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani found that belief in narratives, such as the state-sponsored “Global War Party,” substantially undermines the ability to distinguish truth from falsehood. The analysis by Chkhetiani delves deeper into the profile of believers in this specific state-driven narrative, noting that men, older citizens (aged 55 and older), the unemployed or self-employed, pro-government TV consumers, and especially supporters of the Georgian Dream party are consistently more receptive to these conspiratorial narratives. This belief system is potent because the state-sponsored Global War Party theory channels diffuse suspicion into a coherent, anti-Western geopolitical attitude. The work of Kobaladze and Gagunashvili explains the mechanism by which such narratives are strategically constructed and disseminated through a “pre-suasion” strategy—framing the West as an enemy and discrediting civil society organizations months in advance—thereby preparing these vulnerable segments of the public to accept controversial legislation, such as the Law on the Transparency of Foreign Influence. These intersecting vulnerabilities—where low objective media literacy meets political disengagement and the acceptance of state-sponsored conspiracy theories—create a fertile environment for manipulation. This collective insight underscores the critical gap between public awareness of disinformation as a threat and the actual media literacy skills necessary to resist it effectively." (Page 2) more

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Disinformation Campaigns in Africa: Actors, Consequences, and Responses

Admire Mare, Allen Munoriyarwa

New York: Bloomsbury Publishing (2026), 262 pp.

"Centering disinformation campaigns in Africa, this book examines typologies of false and misleading information and assesses the devastating consequences of disinformation. Admire Mare and Allen Munoriyarwa cover the key actors, consequences of, and responses to combat disinformation campaigns th ... more

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How civil society coalition-building affects information integrity during elections: evidence from four African countries

Dani Madrid-Morales, Herman Wasserman, Nicola Davies-Laubscher, Fatoumata Sow

Information, Communication & Society (2026), 18 pp.

"This article examines how civil society actors promote information integrity during elections through coalition-building, drawing on evidence from four African countries (the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Senegal, and South Africa) that held elections between 2022 and 2024. In these countrie ... more

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Media Bias, Legislative Challenges, and the Fight for Freedom. The Future of the Media in Serbia – Facts and Trends

Valentina Sigeti, Teodora Koledin

Sarajevo; Novi Sad; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Novi Sad School of Journalism; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 50 pp.

"Alongside the rise of new technologies and the evolving global conditions in the media industry, journalism and media in Serbia will face numerous challenges, particularly in the areas of basic media freedom and journalist protection, based on the findings of this research: • There is no reliable ... data on the number of journalists in Serbia, or how many of them are women or members of marginalized groups. • Media ownership in Serbia is highly concentrated, particularly in the television broadcasting sector, which affects media reporting. Channels with national frequencies often align their narratives with the government’s or ruling party’s agenda. • The state and ruling party demonstrate tendencies to control the media. This is evident in the newly updated law that allows business companies engaged in electronic communications, such as the state-owned Telekom, to own media outlets. Additionally, findings indicate that some media owners at the local level are connected to the ruling party. • Media financing is often misused to encourage biased reporting. Public calls for funding are corrupted by GONGO media organizations, which prioritize funding pro-government outlets; state advertising is not regulated by law, and the media community was left out of the discussion on new advertising laws; despite receiving the majority of its budget from citizens’ subscriptions, the national public broadcaster RTS is still perceived as one of the most progovernment outlets in the country; foreign donors, including the EU, US and UK, provide significant financial support for media projects in Serbia, but there is no transparent data on the total amount of money donated. • National minorities are represented through media outlets funded by National Councils of National Minorities. However, journalists from some of these media outlets work under political pressures and engage in self-censorship. National minorities living in the northern province of Serbia, Vojvodina, are also served by the provincial public broadcaster RTV. RTS does not provide content in the languages of the Bosnian, Vlach and Bulgarian communities in Serbia’s eastern and western regions. Romani and Albanian communities are represented on RTS, but the amount of content is minimal. • Television is the most commonly used source of news and information, with citizens watching up to eight hours of television daily. The most-watched TV news programmes are central-informative political shows on channels with national frequencies, which are widely considered pro-government. • Only 30% of Serbian citizens trust the media. Social media is the least trusted media type, while television is the most trusted." (Executive summary) more

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Gesellschaftliche Teilhabe und Meinungsbildung auf Twitch: Von einer reinen Gaming-Plattform zum Ort für politischen Austausch?

Viola Carolina Granow

Media Perspektiven, issue 15 (2025), 16 pp.

"42 Prozent der 14- bis 40-Jährigen in Deutschland nutzen Twitch mindestens selten. Die Twitch-User sind überwiegend männlich und zum größten Teil zwischen 21 und 30 Jahren alt. Gaming ist meist der erste Berührungspunkt mit Twitch. Auf der Plattform stehen Content-Creator und ihre Livestreams ... more

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Deprived Media Market, Lw Ethical Standards, Need for Effective Legislation. The Future of the Media in North Macedonia – Facts and Trends

Vesna Nikodinoska, Tamara Chausidis

Sarajevo; Skopje; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Macedonian Institute for Media; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 41 pp.

"The following conclusions can be drawn from the data analysis: • The socio-economic status of journalists should be continuously advanced via improvement of working conditions in newsrooms and greater acknowledgement of labour rights on the part of media owners and the state. • Rapid technologi ... cal and information changes impose the need for adapting the ethical and professional standards to the new digital environment, as well as creating specific guidelines for the media and journalists in terms of the use of artificial intelligence. • The interest of young people in studies in journalism, communications, and media is drastically decreasing due to the weak link between studies with the labour market, the poor economic situation in media, and the inherent risks to this profession. It is necessary to modernize the study programmes and curricula which should be in line with the newly emerging environment, as well as making it possible to interlink with the media industry. • Disinformation and non-compliance with ethical standards are often evident in online media, thus there is already a wide discussion in the media community about the legal definition of the status and functioning of the online media. • Ownership transparency in broadcast media is at a high level, which is not the case in internet media, as the latter are outside the legal scope. The legal solution for pluralism in media ownership does not correspond to the new digital environment, therefore changes are needed that will enable development of the media market and industry consolidation. • Funds from the state budget for paid political advertising during elections and public interest campaigns have increased in recent years and represent a significant source of funding for many media outlets. The above increases media dependence on state funds, as well as the possibility of corruption and media clientelism. • Professional media organizations and the civil sector support the idea of establishing a fund for the development of media pluralism, to serve as an independent mechanism for developing projects and contents of public interest. Such approach will encourage diversity, quality, and independence in the media industry. • In the media landscape, there are not enough media and/or programmes that represent ethnic groups, marginalized groups, and persons with disabilities, while non-profit media is one of the most underdeveloped segments therein. Trust in institutions, including in the media, is very low, due to the high level of systemic corruption, disinformation, non-transparency, and weak effectiveness of institutions. • Media literacy is included in formal education as a systemic approach to teaching, but awareness of its importance should be promoted more among all age groups and segments of society. • Transparent and efficient policies, comprehensive analyses, and overarching strategies are needed to cover all segments of the media market, including the digital sphere. The limited media market adversely affects the economic situation of the media, resulting in a lack of evident development of pluralism, diversity, and independence of the media in the audiovisual media sphere." (Executive summary, pages 4-5) more

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Guía de acceso a la contratación pública para el Tercer Sector de la Comunicación

David Comet-Herrera, Lucía Benítez-Eyzaguirre, Juan Antonio Roa-Domínguez

Comunicación Social Ediciones y Publicaciones (2025), 85 pp.

"Esta guía ofrece una herramienta útil y práctica que facilita el acceso del TSC a las licitaciones públicas, contribuyendo a su sostenibilidad económica y fortaleciendo su autonomía e independencia. Proporciona información clara, sencilla y accesible sobre los procedimientos, requisitos y op ... more

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Authoritarian Populism and the Challenges for News Journalism: A Discourse Approach

Mats Ekström, Marianna Patrona

London: Routledge (2025), viii, 175 pp.

"This book traces key challenges for news journalism when reporting on authoritarian populism, or on topics (such as immigration and terrorism) that are typically leveraged by far-right actors and platforms as a way of attracting media attention and boosting their popularity with national electorate ... more

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Entertainment interspersed with propaganda: How nonlegacy-news accounts deliver explicitly political content to mass audiences on Russia’s most popular social network VK

Julia Kling, Florian Toepfl, Pascal Jürgens

Information, Communication & Society (2025), 18 pp.

"Previous research on political communication on Russia’s most popular social network VK has concluded that most users avoid news by not following legacy-news accounts. In this study, we expand the universe of scrutinized accounts with the mostfollowed non-legacy-news accounts (>100,000 followers) ... more

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The Expanding Media Landscape, Decline in Journalists' Safety, and Low Media Literacy. The Future of the Media in Kosovo – Facts and Trends

Jeton Mehmeti

Sarajevo; Pristina; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Press Council of Kosovo; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 32 pp.

"Kosovo enjoys a relatively good legal framework when it comes to the protection of freedom of expression and freedom of the media. Laws concerning protection of journalism sources, protection of whistleblowers, and access to public information appear to be in line with European standards. The overa ... more

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Freedom in the World 2025: The Uphill Battle to Safeguard Rights

Yana Gorokhovskaia, Cathryn Grothe

Washington, DC: Freedom House (2025), 29 pp.

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Eroding Media Freedoms, Eroding Democracy. The Future of the Media in Bosnia and Herzegovina – Facts and Trends

Anida Sokol

Sarajevo; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 37 pp.

"Significant changes in journalism and the media have been unfolding in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), yet these shifts have not been accompanied by adequate policies or interventions. This report outlines key trends affecting journalism, media usage, and democracy, highlighting issues crucial for th ... e future of the profession: • The number of journalism students has significantly decreased over the past decade, a trend which could lead to a shortage of qualified professionals in the long run. • Although unemployment among journalists has declined in recent years, 2023 saw a considerable number of journalists lose their jobs due to the non-renewal of fixed-term contracts or being deemed surplus labour. Unionizing remains unpopular among journalists in the country and without protection mechanisms, journalism in BiH risks becoming even more unstable. • Reports of attacks and violations of journalists’ rights have increased in recent years, reflecting a decline in BiH’s rankings on media freedom indexes. • Despite rapid technological advancements, including the emergence of generative artificial intelligence, the media lack guidelines for their use or studies addressing potential abuses in the media. This absence of regulation and oversight increases the risk of misuse and potential harm. • While regulatory and self-regulatory mechanisms exist, they fail to tackle a core issue in the media: biased reporting, which risks becoming normalized in journalistic practices. • The digital era has brought a proliferation of media outlets, including new television channels. The growth of media outlets does not necessarily improve media pluralism, but could lead to smaller newsrooms, increased workloads of journalists and less quality journalistic content. • Print media has been on the decline, and the country’s major political weekly magazines have ceased publication. Without strategic interventions, print media operations will be difficult to sustain in the future. • Media ownership transparency remains unregulated further aggravating media capture. Media outlets are predominantly owned by companies or individuals with business interests beyond the media sector. • The advertising market has grown slightly in recent years, likely influenced by inflation. However, it remains insufficient to support the growing number of media outlets, posing challenges to financial sustainability. • Television still dominates advertising revenue, but online media’s share is steadily increasing, signalling that digital marketing will become increasingly dominant in the coming years. • Public budgets and donor support remain important for sustaining media operations. Without proper regulation, financing from public budgets, however, bring risks to media independence. • Media primarily serve the interests of the three major ethnic groups, excluding minorities from decision-making roles and positions in mainstream outlets, limiting media pluralism." (Executive summary) more

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Democratic Decline, Economic and Political Pressures, Urgency for Reforms. The Future of the Media in Turkey – Facts and Trends

Sinem Aydinli

Sarajevo; Istanbul; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Bianet; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 39 pp.

"The state of the media and democracy in Turkey faces critical challenges that hinder freedom of expression and pluralism, due to restrictive legal frameworks, economic instability, and cross-ownership in the media sector. Although digitalization has transformed news consumption, the government’s ... more

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Communication and democracy in Brazil and Germany: Media accountability, public service media, internet access and right to information

Danilo Rothberg, Susanne Fengler, Fernando Oliveira Paulino, Rogério Christofoletti (eds.)

São Paulo: Cultura Acadêmica (2025), 304 pp.

"The expertise brought by three important Brazilian public universities (Unesp, UnB, and UFSC), combined with the knowledge accumulated through research investment by the Technische Universität Dortmund, was taken here as a unique and rich source of knowledge capable of avoiding the pitfalls and ov ... more

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The power of humour

D+C: Development and Cooperation, issue 4 (2025), pp. 28-54

"All over the world, satirists courageously stand up for democratic values, often under extremely difficult conditions. Through their art, they create spaces for freedom and challenge authorities. On the other hand, extremists use humour for their political purposes too: They ridicule those who diss ... more