"El concepto de publicidad oficial abarca todo lo relacionado con las comunicaciones de las entidades territoriales. No solo se trata del dinero que gastan para publicar en los medios de comunicación con anuncios de su gestión. Incluye el dinero destinado a vallas, pancartas, volantes o cuñas, ha
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sta la realización de conciertos, festivales y ferias siempre que estas hagan parte de sus estrategias de comunicación. Este canal de comunicación entre los mandatarios y la ciudadanía debería buscar informar a la población, fomentar el pluralismo, promover políticas públicas y el derecho a tener información verificada de la gestión de los gobernantes. Sin embargo, en Colombia está suficientemente demostrado que la mayoría de estos recursos se utilizan de manera arbitraria y se desvían de estos objetivos para convertirlos en una herramienta de autopromoción. El equipo de investigación de la FLIP le puso la lupa al gasto que hicieron las administraciones durante su gestión en el último cuatrienio. La Fundación solicitó información a las gobernaciones y alcaldías de las ciudades capitales del país y varias ciudades intermedias para estimar el monto del gasto de los últimos cuatro años, datos que están acá recogidos. Así mismo, en este periodo, la organización mantuvo el ejercicio de veeduría a entidades de todos los niveles, durante la pandemia de Covid-19 (2020 - 2021) y el periodo de protestas. Hizo informes detallados de cómo fue el comportamiento del Gobierno Nacional y del Ministerio de Defensa. Además, en 2023, publicó investigaciones puntuales sobre ciudades como Bogotá, Barranquilla y Envigado. Por otra parte, realizó talleres con alcaldías y gobernaciones, y entregó herramientas de buenas prácticas a la Procuraduría, sin que hayan sido acogidas con éxito. Este es, entonces, un esfuerzo por recoger las conclusiones del trabajo del equipo de investigación de la FLIP durante el último cuatrienio, un llamado para que este asunto, poco observado por entes de control, se comprenda con la importancia que merece por los efectos que tiene sobre la ciudadanía, el derecho de acceso a la información y la libertad de expresión." (https://flip.org.co)
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"At an aggregate level, public allocations dedicated to public service media have increased only modestly in recent years. However, there are substantial variations in allocations (absolute and per capita) across countries. Some Member States have recently increased funding, others have cut back. As
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regards funding models, a key development is the shift in models from the traditional licence fee to funding via the general state budget. For private media, the study shows a highly diverse landscape of priorities, approaches, and funding scales across EU Member States. Altogether, support mechanisms are focusing mainly on newspapers and periodicals. Discussions about subsidy options for news media have been revived in many countries. In some Member States, private news media have enjoyed increased public support in recent years. The study identifies a number of areas for attention, including the need for evidence-based financing practices and reviews of schemes, considerations as regards support for regional and local media, and transparency in the allocation of funds, in particular for state advertising. Against this backdrop, the study explores a series of case studies of national financing practices showcasing, among other, how Member States support media plurality, innovation, arm’s length in public allocations, fairness, and transparency." (Abstract)
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"The Media Viability Manifesto (MVM) provides an urgently needed common framework for joint action from the global media development community. Its aim is three-pronged: To foster conceptual clarity, to strengthen strategic collaboration between multiple stakeholders, and to align practical implemen
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tation in the field of Media Viability. The MVM is the culmination of input from 152 individuals from 55 countries and 86 organizations. It paves the way for more systematic exchange and learning, and for more strategic and coordinated action. To solve the multi-faceted journalism crisis, we need to work together." (Page 1)
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"El Manifiesto sobre la Viabilidad de los Medios de comunicación (MVM, por sus siglas en inglés) proporciona un marco común, urgentemente necesario, para la acción conjunta de la comunidad mundial de desarrollo de los medios. Su objetivo es triple: fomentar la claridad conceptual, reforzar la co
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laboración estratégica entre las diferentes partes interesadas y adaptar la implementación práctica en el ámbito de la Viabilidad de los Medios de comunicación. El MVM es la culminación de las aportaciones de 152 personas de 55 países y 86 organizaciones. Prepara el camino para un diálogo y un aprendizaje más sistemáticos, y para una acción más estratégica y coordinada. Para resolver la polifacética crisis del periodismo, tenemos que trabajar juntos." (Página 1)
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"Le Manifeste sur la viabilité des médias (MVM) établit un cadre commun, dont le besoin est urgent, pour une action conjointe de la part de la communauté mondiale du développement des médias. Son objectif est triple : Promouvoir une vision claire, renforcer la collaboration stratégique entre
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les parties prenantes et coordonner la mise en oeuvre pratique dans le domaine de la viabilité des médias. Le MVM est le fruit des contributions de 152 personnes provenant de 55 pays et de 86 organisations. Il offre une opportunité d'échange et d'apprentissage plus systématiques, et promeut une action plus stratégique et mieux coordonnée. Pour surmonter la crise multiforme du journalisme, il est impératif de travailler ensemble." (Page 1)
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"In the digital era, journalists are targeted with online abuse including serious threats of violence. These censorship tactics are a direct threat to media freedom. Although the UK Government intended to tackle online abuse of journalists in the Online Safety Act 2023, provisions fit for that purpo
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se never materialised. This paper reveals why that was the case and what can be done about it. It finds that there is ongoing tension in the press industry about press regulation, with implications for journalist safety; that the Government carved out special privileges for the press’ online content but did not similarly protect journalist digital safety; that journalist safety was largely ignored in Parliament; and that repeated Government disintegration and shifting policies stripped away provisions that could have been improved to better protect journalists. This paper concludes with suggestions for how journalist safety can be better protected in the OSA regime." (Abstract)
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"This study examines 23 recently enacted or proposed legislative efforts from 2018 through 2024 aimed at providing revenue streams for journalism. We hope it offers a fulsome method for analyzing possible paths forward. There are two main parts of the report: Part One groups this legislation into se
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ven models for financing journalism. The financing models are organized around legal mechanisms that range from an expanded view of copyright to direct support for news by platforms and governments: the digital interaction (“usage”) type [models 1-3]; the subsidy type [models 4-6] and the tax type (model 7). Part Two looks at how this legislation impacts other issues critical to a sustainable news ecosystem that supports functioning, free societies. We first address an implicit yet inconsistently treated concept that emerges from this legislation: appropriate compensation, if any, for various uses of (and interactions with) digital content. This includes the notion of setting legal parameters for proper compensation that goes beyond traditional definitions of copyright. We then look at how these financially-oriented legislations impact issues within other core aspects of journalism." (Pages 2-4)
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"In this ground-breaking two-volume set, world-leading experts produce a rich, authoritative depiction of the world's press, its freedom, and its limits. We want press freedom but we also want freedom from the press. A powerful press may expose corrupt government or aid it. It may champion citizens
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or unfairly attack them. A vulnerable press may lack supporters and succumb to conformity. It may resist, and overcome tyranny. According to common belief, press freedom involves social responsibilities to equip public debate and render government transparent. Is this attitude valid given that the press is usually a private, commercial actor? Globally, the health, authority, and viability of the press varies dramatically. These patterns do not conform to traditional divisions between North and South, East and West. Instead, they are much more complex. How do we measure successful press regulation? What concessions can the state and/or society demand of the press? What constitutes the irreducible core of press freedom? The contributions in Volume 1 look at key jurisdictions in Europe; whereas Volume 2 goes beyond Europe to analyse the situation in key jurisdictions in Asia, Africa, the Americas and Oceania." (Publisher description)
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"With the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, international criminal justice is back in the headlines. It had its golden age 30 years ago with the creation of international tribunals. Today, international justice procedures have become more complex, including non-judicial mechanisms for truth-seeki
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ng and reparation. They are constantly evolving, and it is up to the media to help people understand them." (Page 1)
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"The study finds that provisions for gender equality and sensitivity in media regulations and national policies have two distinct features. The earlier provisions were concerned more about decency, obscenity and other such issues mainly from a moralistic perspective. The main concerns seemed to have
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been protecting the morality of society from effects of such contents, rather than protecting the rights of women. Then over the last couple of decades, gender-related provisions in media regulation and policies have been markedly influenced by development concerns. Media advocacy for women development along with other development goals started occupying a central space in regulatory and policy frameworks. This era might have introduced a rights perspective but gender-equality in the media organisations has not been the dominant primary approach. Provisions on „gender-sensitivity" were more frequent. The laws and regulations lack a requirement for equal coverage of women or other gender minorities in media content as well. The policies may have some requirements of this from the perspective of development in various sectors." (Executive summary, pages 10-11)
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"Media freedom has deteriorated across the world over the past 15 years with populist leaders attacking journalism in both democratic and repressive states. Since the rise of online misinformation and disinformation, concern is growing that governments are using fake news language and related laws t
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o muzzle the press. Studies find labelling reporters and their stories as fake news can threaten journalistic norms and practices and have implications for trust relationships with sources and audiences. Less understood is the effects of fake news laws on journalism. This article addresses this gap and examines consequences for journalistic practices in Singapore and Indonesia when journalists and sources are targets of fake news laws. Through 20 in-depth expert interviews with journalists, editors, their sources and fake news experts in Indonesia and Singapore, the article identifies “chill effects” on reporting when faced with the threat of new legal sanctions. However, it also identifies adaptations to newsroom practices to manage this threat. We conclude with lessons learned from the Asia Pacific on how journalists in other jurisdictions might manage the potential chilling effects on news reporting when fake news laws are in place." (Abstract)
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"Das gezielte Aufdecken geheimer Informationen durch Insider („Whistleblowing“) wird innerhalb von Unternehmen, Organisationen und Behörden oft kritisch gesehen, die Enthüllung von Staatsgeheimnissen häufig sogar strafrechtlich verfolgt. Auch demokratische Rechtsstaaten tun sich schwer mit Wh
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istleblowern und ihrem Tun. In fast allen Mitgliedsstaaten der Europäischen Union gibt es mittlerweile sogenannte Hinweisgeberschutzgesetze, mit denen eine entsprechende EU-Richtlinie zum Schutz von Whistleblowern in nationales Recht umgesetzt wird. Nicht nur das deutsche Umsetzungsgesetz nimmt dabei die Weitergabe von Geheiminformationen, die wesentliche Sicherheitsinteressen des Staates berühren, von diesem Schutz aus." (https://www.bpb.de)
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"As such, a National Fund for Journalism (NFJ) is a dedicated structure that is designed with a strategic sectoral purpose to provide long-term funding and financing to an independent journalism ecosystem in a particular country, region or place (as a Local or City Fund for Journalism, for example).
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It can take different forms, but in essence is designed to redress shortcomings, barriers or imbalances in a particular media market, or to incentivise, catalyse or accelerate new entrants or transformative processes in that market. A National Fund for Journalism (NFJ) can complement and reinforce other policy measures aimed at improving and strengthening the independent media ecosystem. NFJs are ideally nationally- or sometimes regionally-governed funding structures that are independent of the funders - including governments, bilaterals, multi-laterals, foundations, tech platforms and others - that provide them with financial resources. Even if underpinned principally by public money - either from a domestic government or from international government donors or both - their transparency and independence reduces the risk of the funder being seen to be interfering in the media landscape/market or in individual grantees. This can also help to give confidence to other sources of funding, such as philanthropic, tech, corporate or individual donations, where such donors are wary of being seen to fund media directly. Given these primary sources, NFJs need to operate with a high degree of accountability and transparency, and in general, NFJs are designed and administered by independent and professional bodies, with independent governance and transparent structures and processes. NFJs ideally include representation from diverse parts of the media sector, and potentially from citizens. An NFJ may be centrally administered through a single body or may be a mechanism to decentralise funding through diverse bodies or sub-funds to particular regions or communities, to counteract spatial, racial or other inequalities. As a sector-level intervention, an NFJ should have a longer horizon than project or programmatic funding schemes. In many locations, NFJs will need to address the need for long-term stable funding and therefore, if not established in perpetuity, could be designed to last for a minimum of ten years. NFJs should be established to exist beyond electoral or political cycles, emergencies or short-term project cycles. In many cases, for example, where funds are provided through regulatory mechanisms, they may be established in law." (Pages 4-5)
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