"The changes are mostly of a quantitative nature: proliferation of newspaper publications, an increase in the number of frequencies attributed to radio stations (commercial and community stations). Greater superficiality in the editorial lines of most newspaper publications has also been noted. The
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key projects examined included those run by: Panos Institute West Africa ALTERCOM; the Media Centre of Dakar; Génération TV and SYNPICS. Funding is one of the main weaknesses of the media sector of Senegal. The press support fund is very low. Funding of media activities is handled mostly by a few foundations, such as the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, and a few NGOs, such as OSIWA. Evaluation of media activities is a real problem in Senegal. The culture of evaluation is obviously missing in the endeavours of most of the organisations approached in this research. Actors are conscious of the problem and are developing initiatives to solve it. There are few exceptions to this rule, especially for those who believe that there is no progress without evaluation. Beyond financing matters, the success or lack of success of media development activities can be explained by state obstacles to the development of the media, training, professionalism and self-regulation, decriminalising press offences, media evaluation, and the involvement local of groups in community radio." (Summary & conclusions, page 68)
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"The past five years have seen a mushrooming of media development organisations and media outlets. The period has also seen greater and better-coordinated civic activism in support of media development. There has generally been a diversity of media content, reflecting the plurality of media outlets.
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There has been more legislative and policy change, although, in some cases, the state has proved to be a stumbling block in the implementation of the laws. There is evidence of a diversity of media development initiatives in Zambia – some of these are originated and financially supported by the media themselves while others are a partnership between media support organisations and donors. There is a need for the involvement of multiple actors in any media development initiative, as evidenced in the success of a multi-stakeholder campaign for legislative reforms and the withdrawal of VAT on newspapers and magazines. Media development activities need to have an inbuilt sustainability plan in order to have a lasting impact. Donor support needs to have less conditionality and promote the recipient’s independence and innovativeness." (Summary & conclusions, page 66)
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"There are a number of media players in Zimbabwe, in the private and state media, NGOs and training institutions, who have a keen interest in the development of the media in Zimbabwe. The majority of interviewees see the enactment of Zimbabwe’s media laws as the key change that has taken place ove
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r the past five years, although opinion differs as to whether these laws are progressive or not. While the government sees media laws as progressive, NGOs and the private media argue that these laws have diminished the democratic space through the closure of newspapers and the intimidation and arrest of media workers. Organisations in Zimbabwe have had to change strategy in line with the changing political and economic environment. The impact of media development initiatives varies, depending on the organisation or sector in question. In terms of the transformation of the state media (in particular the public broadcaster), minimal impact has been recorded." (Summary & conclusions, page 71)
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"There have been significant changes in the Botswanan media in the past five years. Some of the changes noted include the recent proliferation of newspapers and the partial freeing of the airwaves by the Botswanan government, which has led to the setting up of two new commercial radio stations. Ther
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e has been some improvement in the content and quality of reportage in various media. There have been changes in the legislative and regulatory framework prevailing in the country. More training opportunities have opened up and there is now professional development of journalists – especially following the establishment of the first and only journalism school in the form of the Media Studies Department in the Humanities Faculty of the University of Botswana. Before this, most journalists in Botswana were trained abroad, mainly in Australia, the UK, Canada, the USA, South Africa and various other African countries. Several NGOs in the country are also now involved in the mentoring and training of journalists and media workers at various levels. There have been developments in self-regulation, the establishment of media pressure groups, and a commitment to professionalism in the media – particularly with the establishment of the Press Council of Botswana, the Media Advisory Council and the Botswana Editors’ Forum." (Summary & conclusions, page 66)
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"The following changes have taken place over the past five years: media laws have been enacted; a legal framework is in place with the Press Law and Broadcast Law, and the creation of a favourable environment for media development; the Ethiopian Broadcast Authority has been established to issue lice
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nces for private broadcasters (though not enough); expansion of both state and private media – especially the increase in the number of papers, the opening of regional radio and community radio (though insignificant in number); expanded coverage of state media and an increase in the number of languages used; schools of journalism have opened in different universities; training institutes have been forced to upgrade their programmes, revise their syllabuses, and upgrade the quality of their teaching staff; some media institutions have begun to consider quality and diversity of content." (Summary & conclusions, page 69)
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"Nine of the 15 interviewees said the most important change in the media sector in the last five years has been the mix of deregulation/liberalisation/privatisation. Four interviewees said the newly democratic environment has been the key change. All interviewees agreed that media development in the
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past five years has had significant impact on their own area of work [...] Four key political and economic factors were identified as allowing for successful media development in Nigeria: the return to democracy; Nigerians’ desire for information; a better business environment; and, computer/Internet usage. In terms of the role of the state in media development, most felt the state cannot be relied upon to help all media, and will tend to support state-owned media. The donor community was applauded for its good work, but was urged to involve local people more, and to avoid imposing agendas." (Summary & conclusions, page 66-67)
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"On the whole, interviewees report both a positive quantitative and qualitative change in terms of the number and content of media messages. Liberalisation and more stable political climate has facilitated the opening up of the telecommunications sector, and has led to a diversification of the media
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industry. Community radio has proliferated and has brought many benefits, particularly in terms of enhancing participation and information provision to those living in remote areas. The establishment of a Press Congress and the High Authority for Media has created a more favourable environment for the media to development. The advent of national and international NGOs that promote peace, and defend freedom of information and of the press, has been important in supporting journalists who suffer repression. There has been a substantial increase in the number of further education institutions and courses that offer training in journalism and communication sciences. According to one interviewee, expanding digital telecommunications networks offer the greatest potential to improve communication and information provision across the country." (Summary & conclusions, page 73
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"This research initiative assessed the key media changes and developments in seventeen African countries over the past five years and aimed at recommending intervention strategies for strengthening an independent, professional media sector. The summary report presents the main findings regarding med
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ia landscapes, media legislation, media technology and equipment, journalism training and principles of media development. According to this publication "substantial evidence is provided that points to: non-sustainable and short-term approaches to projects; disconnected programmes; unneccesary competition amongst donors; and, consequently wasted investment of donor funds" (Page 15). In addition, individual country reports have been released, written by renowned African media specialists and researchers. They include: Angola, Botswana, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Each country report consists of three sections: 1) Media sector developments, 2) Challenges for future media development activities, 3) Case study: illustrating good practice in media development." (commbox)
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"El presente documento contiene la síntesis de una aproximación a la situación actual de los medios informativos y de los periodistas en Colombia, así como una caracterización de los trabajos que se han adelantado en el país en los últimos cinco años orientados a fortalecer el sector y que h
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an contado con la vinculación de donantes, organizaciones nacionales e internacionales y los propios medios de comunicación. La óptica bajo la que se desarrolla el estudio es la de proporcionar una serie de elementos que contribuyan al proceso de construcción de una estrategia coordinada, innovadora y de largo plazo, para definir un plan de acción que logre conjugar intereses comunes sobre líneas que se detectan como prioritarias y estratégicas. El estudio fue hecho para International Media Support, Reporteros Sin Fronteras Suecia y el Proyecto Antonio Nariño en el marco de la convocatoria que han realizado estas tres organizaciones del encuentro internacional Hacia nuevas estrategias de apoyo al periodismo y a los medios de comunicación en Colombia, que se realizará en Bogotá el 25 y 26 de septiembre de 2006." (Introducción, página 1)
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"This dissertation examines international aid in support of Afghan media from fall 2001 to fall 2004 as a case study to interrogate the notion of “media transition” and its underlying assumptions. It examines how development organizations such as the United Nations, bilateral aid agencies such a
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s the U.S. Agency for International Development, and non-governmental agencies created the institutional structures that define and support the practice of media transition. It analyzes how the nascent Afghan state media institutions and non-governmental organizations dedicated to media reconstruction negotiated and mobilized the discourse of media transition to further their own aims. It also analyzes how changing political considerations, media production and dissemination outlets, and media producers’ own sense of mission affected the production of a series of radio programs designed to promote Afghan political transition. This dissertation argues that democracy should not be treated as a self-evident goal for media transitions, but should be viewed as a discursive process that shares many of the same concerns as development communications, and that mobilizes a transnational public sphere." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the impact of the international media assistance on the democratization of the press in Ukraine. Ukrainian government has been notorious for years for the suppression of the press and for censoring the content of the nation's media. Vital issues of the country, such as corruptio
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n, political and economic reforms, and opposition actions, have been ignored by the media because of the censorship. This study examines how Ukrainian online publications supported by the international donors differ from the unsupported media. Textual analyses shows that the supported online publications practice fair journalism and do not practice self-censorship, unlike the unsupported media that are under the governmental control." (Abstract)
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"This is a brief overview of international assistance to media development in Iraq from the time of the invasion in 2003 to the formation of the Iraqi government and first weeks of the constitutional process in April-May 2005. This paper does not claim to give an exhaustive picture. It is meant as a
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n introduction to the main foreign actors and to some of their initiatives and plans. It is written with the clear premise that media development in Iraq has been, is and should of course continue to be led and inspired by the Iraqis themselves." (Introduction)
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"USAID’s assistance to the media sector, implemented through the International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX), directly contributed to the creation and continued functioning of two Kosovo-wide independent television stations, the terrestrial transmission network, and the news agency KosovaLiv
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e. Continued high levels of effort focused on TV21 and KTV, however, have overshadowed other important aspects of its Kosovo Independent Media Program (KIMP). This also created a continuing sense of entitlement by the larger recipients that has negated, to a large extent, IREX efforts to help them become self-sufficient and to improve the quality of their product. With the significant reduction in funding expected by USAID/Kosovo to implement its 2004-2008 strategy, the Assessment Team recommends that USAID refocus its assistance on strengthening the media as an integral system¾one that provides timely and quality information to citizens and which fulfills the media’s critical watchdog role." (Executive summary, pages iv-v)
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"This report outlines the findings and conclusions derived from the assessment mission undertaken by the ‘Partnership for Media and Conflict Prevention in West Africa’ to Liberia in December 2003. This mission brought together the expertise of a number of the national, regional and international
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media development and freedom of expression actors. The report seeks to layout collaborative approaches for supporting the media during the immediate and longer-term transition periods, both in terms of overcoming obstacles and developing capacities and resources, as well as contributing towards the creation of lasting peace, stability and democracy." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Serbian media assistance programs reflect two approaches to media development. Though they occasionally created friction, the differing approaches produced positive results. The goal of USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (USAID/OTI) was to fund programs and media outlets that could dissemin
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ate messages pushing immediate political change. USAID/OTI characterized its activities as “pushing the reform agenda.” This approach contrasted with but complemented that of USAID’s Bureau for Europe and Eurasia (USAID/E&E), which supported long-term, sustainable media development projects. While USAID/E&E’s projects contributed to the short-term goal of regime change in Serbia, they were also designed to aid the democratic transition that followed. Despite—or perhaps because of—this dynamic tension, the overall USAID program was very successful. Democratic elements in Serbia received— and still have—the media tools to effect democratic change. NGOs, media outlets, and democratic activists also received the topical programs and emergency infusions funded by USAID/OTI and USAID/E&E. Two years after the fall of Milosevic, personnel and basic media infrastructure remain in place to serve the ongoing democratic transition and broaden coverage of issues in public discourse." (Executive summary, page xi-xii)
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"In the case of media assistance in Afghanistan, financial and organizational resources originate almost exclusively from Western donors and INGOs, which largely bypass the Afghan Government. Organizations within the funding chain thus hold a functional form of power arising from the deployment of a
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llocative resources and it enables them to attempt an instigation of social change in Afghanistan. According to the notion of power associated with Talcott Parson, a functional form of power requires coordination and collaboration in order to achieve collective goals within a political process. However, conflicts may arise in Afghanistan if collective goals diverge among the various foreign and domestic participants involved in altering the media space. This could occur if the various participants do not envision the outcome of media assistance objectives as a zero-sum game. Additionally, Giddens asserts that Parson underestimates the contestation of the norms necessary to pursue collective goals in the first place. Even though the Afghan Government and international donors purportedly agree on the installation of a democracy with a free and independent media, they still need to overcome resistance from existing power holders or entrenched structural properties impeding such a development. In the context of Afghanistan, it is very conceivable that media assistance could prompt intentional or even unintentional consequences caused by social actors discontent with the normative values and goals promulgated by media assistance. Such unintentional conditions may render the desired outcomes of media assistance providers impossible and undermine the desired social transformation. It is erroneous, though, to apply a positivist view that judges the success or failure of media assistance according to the outcome of the flux between structure and interaction alluded to in chapter four. In fact, such a view would be contrary to the propositions of structuration theory that imply a lack of definable boundaries in which structure and interaction intermingles. Equally wrong is to evaluate the media assistance effort by funding amounts contributed by donors, even though financial resources are a pre-requisite for rebuilding the media infrastructure. Instead, media assistance can be conceived as a form of empowerment that imbues a target society with a collective consciousness concerning its ability to alter structural properties, which represent forms of power and domination according to Giddens. The success of media assistance therefore is to produce a collective awareness that individuals can influence the structural properties of a social system, regardless of the direction of change emanating from the mediation of structure and action. The process of change requires not only the acquisition of functional power through allocative resources, but also the acquisition of transformative power by means of controlling authoritative resources, which are involved in the coordination of a social system. Afghans need to control the actors or institutions that selectively filter information in order to reflexively “regulate the overall conditions of system reproduction either to keep things as they are or to change them” (Giddens, 1984, page 27). Yet, it remains unresolved to what extent media assistance has provided Afghans with transformative power and whether or not it allows them to influence the underlying forces that mediate the structural properties in society." (Conclusions, page 39-40)
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"This document contains reports written by Media Working groups in nine countries in November 2003. The reports describe the media landscape and provide information on media legislation, journalistic professionalism, media associations and donor activities. The sections on the media landscape provid
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e a quick picture of the media in South Eastern Europe today: a high number of media outlets but far fewer sustainable and genuinely independent ones, virtually no direct governmental control but remaining influence in several key areas and a generally difficult transformation process of former state broadcasters. The information on media legislation reveals both progress and remaining difficulties. Defamation laws are strict, usually not in line with European standards and regularly abused, leading to many pending court cases and high fines. Access to Information laws are adopted in five countries, but implementation is problematic. Broadcast legislation is frequently debated and revised, regulatory bodies are insufficiently independent and public broadcasters require additional safeguarding against political influence. Professionalism is a concern. By no means only due to a lack of training, of which there has been a lot in the past years, but particularly due to structural problems. Journalists often work without proper contracts, affecting their position. They are generally low-paid and skilled people leave the profession. Young and cheap employees, sometimes preferred by owners, do not feel in a position to oppose influence on editorial policy. Lack of resources impact on quality, as there is little or no money for investigative reporting or domestic production of quality television programs. And in several cases, links between media owners and political parties affect the editorial independence. Media associations and watchdog organizations have proven tremendously important in defending press freedom and promoting quality. Several countries have seen the growth of professional and respected institutions, while in others the associations are divided, small and have limited credibility among journalists. Effective unions are generally lacking, training institutions have improved with outside support and press freedom organizations have increased strength and influence but are seeking sustainability. Finally, brief information is provided on donor assistance – much more is available in the Overview on support to the media in SEE, also prepared by the Media Task Force. Overall, outside assistance has made a great and positive difference in improving the diversity, quality and sustainability of the media. Suggestions for future support include the further strengthening of associations, in-house training rather than seminars, work on drafting and implementing media legislation (e.g. revising defamation clauses) and support to investigative journalism and domestic television production." (Overview, page 2)
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