"To what extent do structures and conduct of leading news media correspond with requirements of contemporary democracies? Based on a root concept of democracy and several empirical indicators, the Media for Democracy Monitor (MDM) delivers a panorama of the news media’s performance regarding freed
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om, equality, and control across several countries. In 2011, the MDM analysed 10 democracies. Ten years later, it covers 18 countries worldwide and pinpoints essential strengths and weaknesses during this decade of digitalisation. Around the globe, news are highly attractive to users, and the journalistic ethos of watchdogs and investigators is paramount. On the downside, journalistic job security eroded over time, and gender gaps both in content and employment patterns remain strikingly excessive in most countries. Volume two contains all countries analysed for the first time in 2021: Belgium (Flanders), Canada, Chile, Denmark, Greece, Hong Kong, Iceland, Italy, and South Korea." (Publisher description)
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"Un sistema de medios informativos sólido es crucial para enfrentar diversos tipos de crisis. No obstante, caracterizar dichos sistemas en países latinoamericanos plantea dilemas propios de una institucionalización estructuralmente débil, de procesos de modernización acelerados o en curso. Nues
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tro objetivo es reconocer los desafíos metodológicos en la constitución de una base de datos de medios informativos que permitan análisis consistentes y comparativos sobre las condiciones del ejercicio periodístico en el mundo. Para ello, nos basamos en el caso peruano, que no cuenta con bases de datos, de medios ni de periodistas de alcance nacional y en el que la institucionalización de los medios es precaria. Hemos utilizado como estrategia metodológica la triangulación de fuentes. Entre las principales dificultades está la informalidad dentro de los medios formales, una huella digital precaria y la insuficiencia de categorizaciones basadas en un sistema analógico en una sociedad en proceso de transmedialización." (Resumen)
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"This report documents a snapshot of media ownership in Bangladesh in late 2020 and identifies its major patterns. By no means is this report exhaustive nor does it cover all aspects of ownership of media in Bangladesh. In the absence of baseline data, our primary objective was to build one with the
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possibility of further addition and exploration. The information provided in the report should allow researchers to examine these media and others which remained outside the ambit of this report. Drawing on data about selected 32 business entities and associated 48 print and electronic media outlets, this report has shown that family ties, political affiliation and business interests largely shape the ownership patterns in the mediascape. The fact that large business groups are dominating the Bangladeshi mediascape is not a unique phenomenon. But a combination of these three factors points to an alarming picture and raises concern. These do not augur well when the legal and extralegal measures are used rampantly to curtail freedom of speech and when the democratic space is shrinking fast. The overall political environment has created a situation where the pattern of media ownership facilitates ongoing democratic backsliding. The current pattern of ownership also warrants exploration of media content. It is necessary to examine whether the extent of the monopoly of the few groups over the industry and the incumbent government's politics impact media content." (Concluding remarks, page 26)
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"Since its adoption on 1 July 2020, the Protection of Personal Information Act has bolstered freedom of expression and the right to privacy. This legislation aims to protect citizens’ personal information and balance the right to privacy with other rights, such as access to information. In Februar
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y 2021, the Constitutional Court upheld the 2019 High Court decision that declared certain sections of the Regulation of Interception of Communication and Provision of Communication-Related Information Act unconstitutional as they violate the right to privacy. The Act had allowed for surveillance and the interception of communication. These positive developments were hampered by the COVID-19 pandemic, which affected freedom of expression and the operating environment of the media and journalists. As in other countries, journalism was considered an essential service in South Africa, which meant that with permission, journalists could continue reporting and were exempt from restrictions that kept most of the population in lockdown. Despite this, journalists found it difficult to access information, making first-hand news-gathering difficult. The Disaster Management Act of 2002 was also applied to manage the lockdowns. Under this Act, essential workers (including journalists) were required to have permits to travel to cover stories. In addition, the government’s attempts to prevent the spread of misinformation related to COVID-19 affected the free flow of information, as information became centralised within the Covid Command Centre. This had a chilling effect on freedom of expression and media freedom in South Africa. Journalists also faced further challenges regarding access to personal protective equipment and training on reporting safely during a pandemic. COVID-19 also affected the sustainability and viability of the media. Both the structure of newsrooms and business models were disrupted. The pandemic accelerated the pre-existing and long-term structural decline in print media, resulting in a devastating impact on the already fragile operations, with significant decreases in both circulation and advertising [...]" (Summary, page 5)
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"[...] the exercise of freedom of expression remains relatively practised and differs from one region to the next. It is easier to exercise freedom of expression in big cities than in small towns or rural areas. Since 2012, Mali has been plagued by terrorist groups’ attacks from the north. The det
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erioration of the security situation, which impacts all aspects of national life, causes a climate of self-censorship, especially among media professionals, most notably in the countryside. From Ségou (centre of Mali) to the far north, community radio stations are cautious with the terms they use. Journalists systematically refuse specific programmes for fear of being physically hurt or seeing their facilities attacked. Some journalists have been kidnapped, although most are released after secret negotiations involving state security. Threats and pressures on journalists and the media do not come only from state officials. People named in investigative articles sometimes use deceptive methods to intimidate journalists. People singled out by publications also put pressure on the family of journalists to get the investigation dropped or for journalists to self-censor. Furthermore, some laws restrict freedom of expression, such as Act of 5 December 2019 on the repression of cybercrime in its articles 74, 75 and 76 ..." (Summary, page 5)
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"Trade unionists, human rights activists, journalists, dignitaries of endogenous religions, and even ordinary citizens feel threatened when exercising their right to freedom of expression. Generally, they fear prosecution cases against them being mounted by the authorities. Business people and entre
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preneurs are also targeted through fiscal pressure or unexpected controls placed on their companies. The Digital Code, passed in 2017, is a source of fear for Benin journalists. Under this code, the Central Cybercrime Repression Authority arrested journalist Ignace Sossou on 19 December 2019 at his house. At his trial, Sossou was sentenced to 12-months imprisonment, six of which he served in prison, and a fine for harassment for relaying the prosecutor’s words during a seminar on Twitter. Fear of reprisals pushes the media to practice self-censorship. Psychological pressure seems to prevent journalists from freely exercising freedom of expression. There are also fears regarding the use of social media networks. There is an explicit restriction of civic space in general, and citizens are afraid of being tapped. Due to abuse by the press and certain citizens, several provisions of the Digital Code hamper freedom of expression. This is perceived as a political manoeuvre to dampen the citizens’ desire to express themselves freely [...]" (Summary, page 5)
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"The assessment found that Ethiopia's media ecosystem's weaknesses have made it vulnerable to fake news, misinformation, and hate speech. Some of the driving factors are undoubtedly historical, including the weak state of private media in Ethiopia, the critical role of the Ethiopian diaspora in medi
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a ownership, and the proliferation and wild rise in popularity of entertainment-news page services Facebook and Twitter. To better understand the problem, the project team analysed a small sample of fake news instances, misinformation, and hate speech, sorting them into sub-categories and looking for trends amongst them. Analysis of the samples' subject matter indicated that ethnonationalism and federalism were the topics most likely to feature examples of fake news, misinformation, and hate speech. Similarly, on examining the typologies of fake news samples, we found that the highest proportion was "fabricated" (without any grounding in truth). Equally, the assessment of misinformation revealed that propaganda and bias were prevalent. Perhaps unsurprisingly, there were relatively few hate speech examples from well-known media sources' print and social media pages. However, incitement to hostility against specific groups was often found in social media users' accompanying comments. Instances of all three categories are explored through case studies. Finally, the report considers and outlines a potential risk-based approach to mitigation. With a better understanding of the problems and challenges, it becomes easier to develop more nuanced solutions. The report proposes a pro-active and risk-based approach, which identifies likely and potentially fake news, misinformation, and hate speech flashpoints and lays out the actions that will be required to mitigate them." (Executive summary)
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"The media environment in Ukraine is complex, diverse and competitive. Most of the country’s outlets are privately owned by high-profile Ukrainians who tend to use them for political influence. However, a small number of media organizations uphold high standards of professionalism and integrity an
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d are vital for shaping domestic political and social debate. These are mostly in print and online but also include some broadcasters, such as Suspilne, and international donor-funded multimedia platforms. Ukraine has a vibrant community of media experts, activists and NGOs that monitor and analyse the sector. These individuals and organizations create development initiatives, advocate reforms and, to a certain extent, perform self-regulatory functions. Platforms for discussions among media professionals are contributing to an evolving industry culture. But they face challenges including limited authority to implement changes; unsustainable funding, often reliant on international donors; and a lack of consensus on ethical and quality standards within the media community. Many outlets provide content for free and domestic audiences are accustomed to this practice. However, there are efforts in Ukraine to encourage consumers to pay for quality content. From early 2020, the biggest media organizations began restricting free access to their output. Meanwhile, smaller independent media are offering subscription and membership models to improve their economic sustainability. The COVID-19 crisis has pushed media organizations to be more proactive in creating business models that do not solely rely on advertising. Ukraine’s media landscape is threatened by the disruption of traditional information delivery methods and consumption patterns; fake news and disinformation; a changing media economy; competition from social media and tech giants; and political turbulence and hostile actors, particularly Russia. Reforms in media regulation – in addition to those in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies – could limit the influence of media owners and protect outlets from political actors determined to attack journalists or manipulate content. Furthermore, support for sustainable revenue models, technological capacity-building and better brand recognition could focus on independent outlets that lack the resources to compete with oligarch-owned media. Improved media literacy efforts are also important for creating long-term audience demand for quality content." (Summary, page 4)
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"[This book] provides an overview of the key issues in global journalism today and traces how media systems have evolved over time in different world regions. Taking into account local context as well as technological change across media industries, the book offers an up-to-date, thorough overview o
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f media developments in all world regions embedded in their unique political, cultural and economic context. Covering theoretical foundations of global journalism, from the classic Four Theories of the Press to more nuanced media models, this text proposes a framework for studying world media systems. Contributed chapters cover a wide range of topics, including media freedom, global news cultures, professional ethics and responsibilities, and education of global journalists, as well as the role of technology and issues such as fake news, soft power and public diplomacy, foreign news reporting and international news flow." (Publisher description)
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"Uruguay es el primer país del Cono Sur de América Latina en realizar una evaluación integral de su paisaje mediático utilizando los Indicadores de Desarrollo Mediatico (IDMs) de la UNESCO. Y, lo que es único de este ejercicio, es que todas las facultades de comunicación del país colaboraron
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en el proceso de investigación, en alianza con la Oficina Regional de Ciencias de la UNESCO para América Latina y el Caribe. El resultado es un informe que evalúa el nivel de desarrollo de los medios de comunicación públicos, privados y comunitarios, y proporciona un exhaustivo análisis del panorama mediático del país, ya sea de su marco legislativo como de su pluralidad y diversidad de medios. Si la UNESCO reedita en 2021 este estudio llevado a cabo entre 2014 y 2017 es por su utilidad en el examen del cumplimiento de las leyes, actuales o futuras, con estándares internacionales en materia de libertad de expresión, ofrenciendo una hoja de ruta para futuras reformas de legislación de medios." (Reverso)
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"This Handbook provides the first comprehensive reference book in English about the development of mass and social media in all Arab countries. Capturing the historical as well as current developments in the media scene, this collection maps the role of media in social and political movements. Contr
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ibutors include specialists in the field from North America, Europe, and the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the history, regulatory frameworks and laws governing the press, and socio-political functions of the media. While the geopolitical complexities of the region have been reflected in the expert analyses collectively, the focus is always the local context of each member state. All 37 chapters consider the specific historical, political and media trajectories in each country, to provide a contextual background and foundation for further study about single states or comparative analysis in two or more Arab states." (Publisher description)
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"The Nigerian media scene is notably vibrant, which can be perceived as a democratization of communication and liberalization of the press where anyone with the means to own a media establishment can do so. Thus, the challenge with the Nigerian media is no longer the issue of access but, rather, tha
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t of accountability, which, undoubtedly, is the strong anchor for good media practice. This chapter examines the field of media accountability (MA) in the country, focusing on the structures that define accountability among media practitioners in addition to taking a look at emerging innovative practices that encourage MA. The authors argue that MA exists in Nigeria but is in a continuous struggle with such militating factors as ownership, insufficient press freedom, poor or inadequate remuneration for journalists, a hostile working environment for journalists, lack of formal education/training on the part of some journalists, weak self-regulatory mechanisms, and biases in political and cultural environments. These factors tend to limit the extent to which media practitioners can be committed to accountability." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on state-media relations and the shifts in the overall media landscape in Kenya. Drawing on a political economy approach to media operations in Kenya, it argues that while there are competing meanings over what constitutes "news values", "editorial independence", and "critical
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media", changes in political regimes and unclear media regulations contribute to political and/or corporate interference on media coverage of corruption and political impunity. This renders media operations problematic at the normative and operational levels. The discussion situates these arguments within the contexts of "policy laundering" and "critical junctures", seeking to establish whether the shifting media landscape is a function of increased information and communication affordability or, instead, an indication that critical media are on the decline. Overall, the article provides an assessment of key temporal periods that have shaped media regulatory frameworks to show how political and/or corporate interests have influenced journalistic practices and editorial independence over time and space." (Abstract)
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"Previous research finds that journalist killings are more likely to occur in democracies rather than non-democracies. While these results provide an important first step in exploring regime type's effect on journalist's safety, they assume no variation in how long countries have remained a regime t
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ype. In this paper, I argue that as a country's regime type endures, the likelihood of seeing journalists killed for their work will decrease. My theory also examines the process in different regime types and argues that this effect should hold for autocracies and anocracies, but not democracies vertical bar though democratic consolidation should decrease journalist killings there. Using an original sample of journalists killed for their professional work in countries worldwide from 1992 to 2014, I evaluate my theory using regression and survival analyses and find evidence that as regime types endure, journalist killings decrease, on average. As expected, the result holds for autocracies and anocracies but not democracies. However, the data show democratic consolidation does decrease journalist killings. The results provide a broader understanding of the working dynamics between regime type and journalists' safety in a country's media system." (Abstract)
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"The article provides an overview of the Croatian media landscape and its transformation that has been driven by the processes of democratization, commercialization and digitalization. The main media-related concerns from 1990 to 2000 were freedom of the press, autonomy of journalism and censorship.
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The liberalization of the media market that started in 2000, led to proliferation of media outlets and galloping commercialization of media ownership and content. The next big change came with digitalization that fundamentally altered media habits of Croatian audiences. Television was preceded by online media as the main source of news while the press registers constant decline in readership, trust and advertising revenues. Radio remains the most trusted medium, as opposed to social media that are the least trusted source of information. Nevertheless, the level of trust in social networks in Croatia is considerably higher than the EU average. The data on media freedom and journalistic autonomy indicate that Croatia has made significant progress in this respect in the past thirty years. Although problems related to freedom, autonomy and political pressure persist, the biggest threat to journalism nowadays seems to come from within the profession. Commercialization, coupled with digitalization and merciless struggle for survival, eventually led news media to succumb to tabloid-style journalism and to radically downplay their professional standards." (Abstract)
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