"Este trabajo busca discutir las relaciones que se han establecido en la sociedad paraguaya entre el Estado, la sociedad civil y los medios de comunicación como expresión de diversos intereses sociales, políticos y económicos. Al mismo tiempo, también se propone hurgar y desvendar por un lado,
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y por el otro, desarrollar una exégesis, sobre los distintos elementos y momentos históricos, a partir de los cuales se fue conformando, mínimamente, un pensamiento en el campo comunicacional paraguayo. La propuesta atraviesa diversas etapas históricas y se nutre en varios aspectos del desarrollo e impulso de las ciencias sociales paraguayas. Al mismo tiempo, se intenta establecer relaciones entre un pensamiento local, y otro desarrollado fuera del país –o a la inversa–, y que de alguna manera constituyen una propuesta de “rango medio” de lo que puede denominarse el despliegue de unas teorías de la comunicación. Analizando documentos producidos desde el poder durante la Primera República paraguaya (1811-1870), asimismo estudiando cuatro textos sobre el periodismo paraguayo publicados entre los años 1890-1911 (Parodi, Rodríguez Alcalá, Pane y E. Solano López), el presente libro intenta reconstruir y presentar el camino histórico recorrido por aquello que podría ser denominado un “borrador” del pensamiento comunicacional paraguayo." (Contratapa)
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"The Horn of Africa is one of the least connected regions in the world. Nevertheless, digital media play an important social and political role in Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia (including South-Central Somalia and the northern self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland). This paper shows how
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the development of the internet, mobile phones and other new communication technologies have been shaped by conflict and power struggles in these countries. It addresses some of the puzzles that characterize the media in the region: for example, how similar rates of penetration of media such as the internet and mobile phones have emerged in Somalia, a state which has not had a functioning government for two decades, and in Ethiopia, one of the countries with the most pervasive and centralized political apparatus in Africa. The paper also gives particular attention to the role played by diasporas, which have been highly infl uential in starting the first websites, blogs and forums covering the politics of the Horn and facilitating debates among Eritreans, Ethiopians and Somalis living at home or abroad." (Page 2)
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"Developments in digital media in South Africa are densely intertwined with political factors. The Government has sought to be the driver of digitization, but it has also caused repeated delays in digital roll-out. In addition, the Government has had contradictory interests such as promoting competi
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tion while also favoring large enterprises in which it has controlling or monopoly shares. In addition, political in-fighting has seen a succession of leaders at the Department of Communications (DoC), the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC)—the biggest (and state-owned) broadcast organization—and the Universal Service and Access Agency of South Africa (USAASA), established to promote the goals of universal access and universal service [...] The challenges are very great in terms of bringing access to digital benefi ts across a large landmass, in which more than a third of people live in rural areas, even more are too poor to be an attractive market for advertisers, and where diverse people use more than 12 mother tongues. In the absence of success by the State in promoting digitization, the media system remains mainly mainstream and analog, apart from the rapidly growing business of digital satellite pay-television. Radio has the greatest reach in society and, within this sector, community radio is making strides. Pluralism of ownership and an increase in broadcasting stations has occurred, but by using analog rather than digital means. Print is shrinking in terms of sales, although its share of advertising has been holding up." (Abstract)
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"TThe 2012 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia revealed a mix of positive developments, regression, and stagnation (or resilience, depending on one’s point of view). Nearly half of the 21 countries included in this study showed little change either way, their overall score moving by 0.10 or less. Six c
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ountries showed improvement and five slid backward. The former Yugoslavia accounted for all but one of the countries with lower scores this year. Montenegro improved, Croatia remained roughly unchanged, but the rest of the former Yugoslavia—Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia—suffered losses (note that Slovenia is the only country of the former Yugoslavia not studied by the MSI) [...] Moldova continued to improve and achieved the highest score among the four countries in “Russia and Western Eurasia.” All objectives except Objective 4, Business Management, received a score in the “near sustainability” range. Armenia maintained its leadership amongst the three countries in the Caucasus. Its overall score remained mostly unchanged, although the score did slip slightly. Georgia continued to slowly regain ground lost in 2008. Russia’s score improved; despite serious lingering challenges, panelists expressed a cautious optimism that the situation will continue to improve in the coming years. Kyrgyzstan returned to the top spot in Central Asia as the political situation there stabilized. However, two objectives, those covering professional journalism and business management, remain well below the “near sustainability” range." (Executive summary, page ix)
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"Thanks to digital media, Lebanon’s residents have access to a variety of news platforms, from 24-hour cable channels to internet sites and text message services. Despite easy access to Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya, CNN, BBC, and others through subscriptions to pirated cable bundles or satellite receive
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rs, Lebanese households prefer local news channels. Most of the country’s news media outlets support and represent the agenda of a political personality or party. And most of them are owned, managed, or financed by local or regional powers. Digitization has had little or no effect on changes in the media market or the impact of ownership on media performance and independence. This may be because Lebanon remains in a protracted state of transition to digitization, exacerbated by a rough political climate. Although the government has occasionally tried to improve this situation, Lebanon will have to make gigantic efforts before it can hope to embrace the digital era with a set of laws and regulations that could meet the needs of citizens and business." (Open Society website)
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"According to the ITU, the percentage of the population with internet access rose from 0.1 in 2000 to over 43 in 2010. The number doubled between 2008 and 2010. The report calls for the Digital Strategy to be finalized without further delay, and then implemented. Broadcasting regulation should be am
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ended to bring it into full compliance with the AVMSD. The report also focuses attention on the need for government support to help the public broadcaster to catch up with the digitization process. Last but not least, the report stresses the need for improved working conditions in journalism, in order to discourage self-censorship, and for implementation of a code of ethics in the new media, in order to minimize slander and violations of copyright." (Publisher description)
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"Through a series of qualitative interviews with a range of media stakeholders, the ultimate conclusion of this thesis is that the media landscape in Cambodia is diverse –with some (mostly foreign-owned and run) able to operate freely and independently, while others (most local Khmer media, partic
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ularly broadcast media) are not. While media development activities over the course of the last 20 years have been clearly beneficial to improving the quality of the media, many factors are preventing all media in Cambodia from becoming free, independent and sustainable. A lack of political will, improper legal intimidation, politicisation of the media, a lack of journalistic ethic and professionalism (among some), unsupportive institutional frameworks, media illiteracy among the broader population and little coordination of media development efforts are just some of the barriers that hinder real improvement in this critical sector." (Abstract, page 4)
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"Donor funded media development is a relatively new phenomenon, resulting in minimal impact. Modest gains have been made: technical improvements in television production, some better skilled journalists, development of journalists’ associations and a code of ethics, and greater citizen engagement.
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However, balanced and in-depth reports are scant and there remains limited space for freedom of expression. Professional media reports based on fact rather than opinion, on a range of sources (especially on a range of political sources) are the exception rather than the rule [...] Improvements require considerable time and effort which often extends beyond the life of a short to medium term donor horizon. AusAID, KAF, UNDP and USAID are current donors who understand this." (Conclusion, page 39)
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"Only 40 percent of Nigerians had access to a television in 2008 according to the International Telecommunication Union, and radio is still the dominant medium, reaching three-quarters of households. Both commercial and state broadcasters favor urban audiences and those in the south of the country.
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While there is potential for increased diversity through the spread of internet services, progress is hampered by variables that continue to widen rather than bridge the digital divide. These include irregular power supply, low literacy levels, and the high cost of digital devices relative to gross domestic product (GDP). There is also an extreme gender divide: women constitute less than 1 percent of active internet users [...] Neither market liberalization nor digitization has had a meaningful impact on the independence of news providers. Even purely commercial outlets retain entrenched links with the political establishment and there remain a host of restrictive laws, which militate against media independence. There are notable exceptions to this in the online domain. News websites such as Saharareporters.com have to some extent avoided both legal and extra-legal state interference by basing their operations abroad. There is also evidence of burgeoning expression and debate in the blogosphere over issues generally considered off limits for mainstream news providers." (Executive summary)
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