"There is no question that we must address the issues of child safety, disinformation, national security, and criminal activity in the digital age. However, even if the stated end goal for mandating encryption backdoors is legitimate, the means must be necessary and proportionate. Deliberately intro
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ducing security weaknesses in encrypted systems fails this test. Weakening encryption will create more dangers than it will prevent. Further, there is no evidence base for claiming that breaking encryption will achieve the desired outcomes. At best, exceptional access to encrypted content will only serve as a short-term or partial solution for law enforcement. As we have explained in this brief, encryption is a vital tool for the protection of human rights, democracy, cybersecurity, and the economy. The right to privacy and the right to freedom of expression are basic human rights, and in today’s digital world, we cannot meaningfully separate these rights from the need for secure online communication channels that are free from undue surveillance. Encryption is a crucial building block for a secure technological infrastructure, and governments should promote its use, not repeatedly seek to undermine it." (Conclusion, page 16)
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"The subject of religion and the behaviour of religious actors in the COVID-19 crisis appear at first glance to constitute either just marginal issues or factors which tend to be negative. On the other hand, there is far less public discussion on the key role played by religious communities as civil
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society partners of governments or the WHO, as agencies providing charitable and pastoral assistance, and as a resource for hope and contingency management so as to successfully cope with the pandemic. This study analyses the ambivalent role of actors in the COVID-19 pandemic within the framework of a theory-based empirical analysis, presents the most important developments, learning effects and problem areas yet to be addressed and finally, based on this, draws up policy recommendations for action." (Summary, page 6)
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"This Situation Report on the “Impact of COVID-19 on Media Freedom, Media Business Viability, and the Safety of Journalists in Southeast Asia” offers an insight into the key impacts of the pandemic on the media across nine countries. The report proposes recommendations for enabling sustainable a
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nd effective media standards to improve media freedom and the safety of journalists. It also explores potential solutions, and innovations for media business viability in the region. The publication comes at a time when news organisations have been forced to accelerate their move to providing more extensive digital services due to various lockdown restrictions, with some not having the resources to make this transition successfully. These additional financial pressures caused by COVID-19 are happening against a backdrop of broader threats to media freedom and the safety of journalists. Another challenge facing media freedom in the region is the introduction of laws purporting to combat the spread of disinformation and misinformation. While such laws have been introduced under the guise of protecting the public, they are more often used as tools to limit the ability of journalists to hold power to account. As countries geared up to fight COVID-19, a crackdown on independent journalism and critical reporting ensued. Many news outlets and media workers, notably journalists, have faced unprecedented risks to their physical and mental well-being, amid unrelenting, and intensified crackdowns on media freedom. Creating a safe and enabling environment for media and journalists to be able to work independently is a prerequisite for democracies to flourish. The issues pertaining to the safety of journalists and media sustainability during a time of crisis such as COVID-19, require attention from all stakeholders, including both state and non-state actors." (Summary, page 115)
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"In this paper, we share selected insights from our work across seven countries facing complex and often protracted preexisting humanitarian crises before the pandemic. Over the past nine months, with Internews’ Rooted in Trust project, we have worked to understand the role of rumors and misinform
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ation in the pandemic and to support humanitarian and media communicators to listen, engage and respond to community information needs. Many of the insights we offer here are derived from our research to map the Information Ecosystems in seven geographies, drawing from extensive qualitative and quantitative data (more than 2,400 survey respondents, 230 qualitative interviews and 130 focus groups). We hope these will contribute to move the community of information, public health, humanitarian aid and government practitioners towards a more sophisticated understanding of what drives and solidifies trust and away from the all too frequent dismissive judgements that played a central role in the breakdown of trust." (Introduction, page 2)
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"Existing international alliances and institutions are falling short in protecting the future of the internet. Our report, presented as a series, sets out a new model of internet internationalism that reassesses states’ core interests and identifies novel coalitions that combine security guarantee
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s with commitments towards an open internet. We recommend that: 1. D10 countries establish a Digital Infrastructure & Defence Alliance (DIDA). This would be a novel coalition starting with, but not limited to, Australia, Canada, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, South Korea, the UK and US. These nations would cooperate on collective internet security and supply chains; regulatory coordination, including a mechanism to discourage internet shutdowns; cybersecurity; and global infrastructure to compete with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Importantly, the alliance should create trade, security and economic incentives to encourage other countries to join up.
2. The UN creates a “Strategic Geopolitical Status” designation as part of a new geopolitical settlement with global tech. Applicable to large technology firms with global geopolitical importance, this would require the creation of a self-regulatory, industry-wide body, with Permanent Observer status at the UN. Firms would also be required to set out an explicit “international policy” detailing their roles as proponents of an open internet.
3. The UN, D10 and Strategic Geopolitical Status fifirms establish a Multi-Stakeholder Panel on Internet Policy (MPIP), modelled on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, to oversee the ecosystem. Composed of nation-states, civil-society organisations and industry, the MPIP would provide an early-warning system about the health of global information and communication networks. Additionally, it would evaluate progress on reforms, including institutional, where a lack of accountability has traditionally held them back.
4. All countries, at minimum the D10, create foreign-policy strategies integrating digital, data and technology into diplomacy. This would include empowering a new cadre of technology diplomats and ambassadors to align siloed approaches to internet and foreign policy, and to build state capacity to enable coordination across global-technology issues including cybersecurity, technical standards and platform regulation." (Pages 1-2)
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"Although the internet facilitates connection, participation, and engagement, there is a need for new and innovative strategies for closing the gender digital divide in Uganda. A socio-economic, political, and robustic legal approach is needed to close the gender digital divide. This requires regula
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r reviews of existing legal frameworks to ensure they are aligned with the latest technological trends and issues, evidence-based research conducted, strategic litigation and guidelines for the government in formulating national policies in closing the gender digital divide in Uganda." (Conclusion, page 8)
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"This report is the eighth edition of the Affordability Report. Released annually by the Alliance for Affordable Internet (A4AI), the report summarises the state of internet affordability around the world and of the policies and regulations that affect it [...] The latest update of the Affordability
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Drivers Index (ADI) indicates that, overall, conditions continue to improve towards greater affordability. However, progress remains slow – too slow. Governments have not taken the required actions to accelerate internet access worldwide in a way that would help attain the Sustainable Development Goals, grow the economy, and help people realise their potential. Universal Service & Access Funds (USAFs) could act as catalysts for action to drive down the price of internet access, expand coverage to the millions that remain unconnected, and build the inclusive foundation for a robust digital economy." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"This report analyses how governments are building climate and carbon factors into their broadband policies, looks at the consequences of inaction, and suggests policy recommendations towards a greener internet. We compiled publicly available documents for the national broadband plans from the 100 l
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ow- and middle-income countries where A4AI has measured internet affordability for the past three years. From these countries, we conducted a keyword search for their mentions of the environment, climate, energy, electricity, and sustainability. From these results, we contextually analysed each mention and compared keyword mentions and density across plans and conducted additional textual analysis. We found that environmental themes are infrequently mentioned and exist mostly within the margins of broadband policy, if at all. An environmental keyword appeared once every 6-7 pages, on average. Genuine targets and policy reforms were even less frequent. These issues are described as limiting factors (reasons why social and economic situations are not better today) or as future possibilities (positive assumptions about what could happen from greater internet access and ICT use). Frequently, these same words - the regulatory environment, sustainable business models, and the investment climates - were used beyond their original meaning to frame policy debates around systems thinking, and did not relate to climate factors at all. Energy was one of the most common environmental themes across national broadband plans. The countries that had most environmental references in their policies, such as Nepal and Peru, tied their ambitions for greater access to the internet with greater access to electricity. This matches with countries' development paths where internet access and electrification are concurrent efforts." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"To ensure that social media becomes safer, more open, and more equitable for all users, platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram must prioritize curbing online harassment. In this report, PEN America proposes concrete, actionable changes that social media companies should make immediately to
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the design of their products to better protect people from online abuse—without jeopardizing free expression." (Introduction)
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"In this paper, ARIJ proposes the following recommendations which target the greater media community. This includes media institutions concerned with the press, unions, press unions and donors who support this venture. We maintain that disinformation is a product of a social and political environmen
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t, as well as a professional one. Our recommendations are as follows: First: Build a regional network for news and information fact-checkers, in both the written and visual press ...; Second: Designate the year 2021 to combat disinformation in the Arab region ...; Third: Support scientific specializations for scientific journalism cadres ...; Fourth: Expand and develop methods of teaching media education ...; Fifth: Launch an audiovisual media campaign to support news verification ...; Sixth: Produce simplified training materials in Arabic on how journalists can use artificial intelligence in media work ...; Seventh: Encourage independent news auditing initiatives [...] Eighth: Encourage the Arabization of more existing digital news verification tools ..." (Recommendations, page 38-43)
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"Technologists at Amnesty Tech’s Security Lab were able to identify traces of NSO’s “zero-click” attacks (malware infections that require no interaction with the target) through cutting edge forensic analysis, including by linking these new attacks to previously documented attacks on human r
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ights defenders (HRDs) using NSO Group software.3 This project was a crucial and overdue breakthrough of transparency in an industry stubbornly resistant to it, which relied on the collaborative efforts of all involved. It is important to note, however, that the success of such investigative efforts was never guaranteed, and these disclosures cannot represent the only form of check on industry participants and state actors. The stories published as a result of this collaboration speak for themselves. In this briefing, Amnesty International’s goal is to contribute to the discussion by highlighting some of the key insights from the perspective of international law, particularly international human rights law, that come out of the reporting and technical analyses. These include: the improper breadth of targeting under international human rights law, which is also out of line with the company’s stated rationale of selling its products to help its clients combat crime, including terrorism-related conduct; the clandestine nature of the tool that facilitates its illegal use and operation; the serious human rights violations that have resulted; the total impunity of states and companies in deploying this targeted digital surveillance tool; and the failure of states to fulfil their obligation to protect them from this unlawful hacking and surveillance." (Introduction, page 4)
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"[...] governments have put up barriers to activities like reporting and sharing opinions and used the pandemic as a pretext to muzzle critical voices. Amnesty International is concerned that Covid-19 related restrictions are not just temporary measures but are part of an ongoing onslaught on human
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rights and civic space. In addition, misinformation on different aspects of the pandemic has contributed to behaviours such as vaccine hesitancy. The overabundance of false and misleading information, facilitated by social media platforms, makes it harder than ever for individuals to form a fully informed opinion and make choices about their health based on the best available scientific facts. The report ends with a list of recommendations, urging States to stop using the pandemic as an excuse to silence independent reporting, debate and scrutiny and urgently lift all undue restrictions as a key approach to protecting the right to health and enabling an inclusive recovery. States should also provide credible, reliable, accessible, objective and evidence-based information, enable independent, public interest journalism and independent civil society, and engage diverse communities. Amnesty International urges social media companies to also take measures to address the viral spread of misinformation, including by improving the transparency and oversight of their business practices, policies and procedures." (Back cover)
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"Los medios escolares son espacios socioeducativos que no solo ayudan a enriquecer las trayectorias educativas de las y los jóvenes que los transitan, sino que también posibilitan la ampliación de experiencias de aprendizaje que trascienden el aula. Un estudio de grabación, un control de radio,
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un set de filmación, una computadora o un celular también pueden ser una oportunidad para expandir los horizontes de la enseñanza y el aprendizaje; un lugar que profundice la participación y el intercambio intergeneracional, que da lugar a otros saberes y múltiples modos de abordarlos. A través de esta serie de publicaciones buscamos brindarles a las y los directivos, docentes y talleristas que quieran participar de esta propuesta las herramientas necesarias para construir e implementar un proyecto de medios en sus escuelas." (Página 7)
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"The Serbian government prioritizes digitalization. Serbia’s digital transformation accelerated in 2017 with the government’s focus on building a digital government, or “digitalization” as defined by Serbians, and Serbia’s participation in the Digital Agenda for the Western Balkans. As one
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Serbian official described it, digitalization refers to the “fundamental changes reflected in the emergence of an efficient, economical, and transparent public administration.” Although there is no comprehensive national policy for Information and Communications Technology (ICT), Serbia’s digital agenda includes initiatives ranging from expanding connectivity to developing the ICT industry. Prime Minister Brnabic has been a champion for digitalization, and digital transformation will continue to be a key priority in the coming years. Digital connectivity infrastructure in the country is strong and growing. Fourth-generation (4G) mobile broadband covers more than 90 percent of the population. The government and top mobile network operators (MNOs) plan to deploy 5G networks in the near future. Donors such as the European Union (EU) support the expansion of fiber-optic connectivity to connect rural schools. China’s Digital Silk Road Initiative has had a substantial role in building Serbia’s digital infrastructure, ranging from Safe City infrastructure to providing cloud infrastructure and developing an artificial intelligence (AI) platform for the government. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government swiftly embraced online schooling and expanded digital government services. Fragmentation and uneven levels of buy-in across the executive branch hinders Serbian digital government efforts. Serbia’s approach to multi-stakeholder internet governance has also been uneven, with industry and civil society stakeholders lamenting a lack of public engagement. Serbian civil society is working to protect digital rights and freedoms. A growing network of organizations in Serbia and across Southeast Europe is working to protect free expression online, promote information security, and publicize digital rights violations." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Wie gezeigt wurde, fällt, über den gesamten Produktzyklus hinweg betrachtet, die Herstellung der digitalen Endgeräte, bzgl. der Menge verursachter Treibhausgasemissionen, besonders schwer ins Gewicht. Für Nutzer*innen liegt somit der größte Hebel für eine Reduzierung der Emissionen im Kauf v
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on passgenauen Geräten bei verantwortungsvollen Anbietern und einer möglichst langen Nutzungsdauer. Doch auch während der Nutzung existieren zahlreiche und einfach anzuwendende Optionen für einen klimafreundlicheren Gebrauch – beginnend bei der Wahl des Stromanbieters, über die Anpassung allgemeiner Nutzungseinstellungen bis hin zu einer Reduzierung der versendeten und empfangenen Datenmenge, der Beseitigung bzw. Reduzierung von überflüssigem Datenmüll und dem vollständigen Ausschalten der Geräte. Auch wenn die Entsorgung von Endgeräten aus Klimagesichtspunkten nicht allzu stark ins Gewicht fällt, ist sie, aufgrund der vom Elektroschrott ausgehenden zahlreichen weiteren Umweltrisiken, dennoch von größter Relevanz und sollte ebenso umsichtig erfolgen." (Schlussbetrachtung, Seite 29)
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"1 Words matter: Use the correct terms
2 Images and emotions: Understanding the entire range of disinformation
3 Creating structures for the digital education of every age group
4 Securing the freedom of expression: Smart regulation against overblocking
5 A modern constitutional state
6 Focus on tec
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hnology: Greater responsibility of platform operators
7 Social media councils: Binding integration of the civil society
8 Strengthening journalism for the 21st century
9 Diplomacy in the Digital Age: Prioritising cyber foreign policy
10 Prevention of threats: Better communication, civic tech and transparency." (Pages 1-8)
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"The digital economy, including cross-border services, digital trade, and electronic commerce (eCommerce), contributes to democratic and economic development by expanding market access for local businesses, promoting inclusive trade, creating jobs, and increasing tax revenue for governments to provi
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de essential services. As the scope of digital innovation expands around the globe, so must appropriate considerations for harmonized national and regional policies and regulations to facilitate greater economic competitiveness and inclusiveness while respecting human rights and online freedom. Harnessing opportunities and limiting barriers to equitable participation in the digital economy has become even more important since the start of the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19), which resulted in online global data traffic rising by 20 percent. As people continue to rely on digital platforms and services more than ever before, it is crucial for diverse stakeholders including local business communities, civil society, media organizations, and governments to actively participate in multi-stakeholder discussions on the development and implementation of legislation and frameworks that impact the digital economy, from a national, regional, and Continental perspective.
This Roadmap to Reform of Africa’s digital economy is divided into three parts. Part one highlights the findings from engagements held by the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) and the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) on the various opportunities and challenges related to digital transformation in Africa in September 2019 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. This dialogue brought together representatives from chambers of commerce, civil society, media organizations, and governments across over ten African countries. Part two explores multi-stakeholder approaches to capitalizing on digital transformation opportunities in Africa. Finally, part three presents a series of case studies that illustrate the ways in which advocacy and multi-stakeholder engagement can advance the digital economy in Africa." (Executive summary)
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"After a recent contested election, the Central African Republic finds itself in a precarious situation. Violence around the election combined with the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 and destructive flooding have caused the humanitarian emergency to reach its worst state in five years. Meanwhile
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, the CAR government has been accused of engaging in Russian-backed disinformation campaigns targeting domestic civil society, French diplomats and the United Nations peacekeeping mission (MINUSCA), threatening key relationships. Even as the long-simmering issue of hate speech continues to draw fault lines through the country, efforts to combat these campaigns have focused primarily on challenging fake news rather than addressing the underlying fear and prejudice that spoilers use to stoke conflict." (Introduction)
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"This book presents the collectively authored Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Manifesto and accompanying materials. The Internet and the media landscape are broken. The dominant commercial Internet platforms endanger democracy. They have created a communications landscape overwhelme
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d by surveillance, advertising, fake news, hate speech, conspiracy theories, and algorithmic politics. Commercial Internet platforms have harmed citizens, users, everyday life, and society. Democracy and digital democracy require Public Service Media. A democracy-enhancing Internet requires Public Service Media becoming Public Service Internet platforms – an Internet of the public, by the public, and for the public; an Internet that advances instead of threatens democracy and the public sphere. The Public Service Internet is based on Internet platforms operated by a variety of Public Service Media, taking the public service remit into the digital age. The Public Service Internet provides opportunities for public debate, participation, and the advancement of social cohesion. Accompanying the Manifesto are materials that informed its creation: Christian Fuchs’ report of the results of the Public Service Media/Internet Survey, the written version of Graham Murdock’s online talk on public service media today, and a summary of an ecomitee.com discussion of the Manifesto’s foundations." (www.uwestminsterpress.co.uk)
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"This discussion paper seeks to give an overview of the key aspects that need to be taken into consideration to address the occurrence of hate speech on social media, be it through concrete regulations by social media companies, counter efforts and legislations or preventive educational measures. Th
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e paper is divided into three sections: part 1 focuses on definitions of hate speech and associated legal frameworks, part 2 reviews and addresses tools and techniques for monitoring hate speech online and discusses measurements of the prevalence of online hate speech and part 3 discusses potential counter and preventive measures." (Page 2)
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