"The aim of this report is to understand the paradox of media freedom in Kurdistan. It first addresses the history of Iraqi Kurdistan’s media. A better understanding of the way these outlets emerged over time is essential in order to grasp the complexity of their current challenges. Originally con
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sidered as instruments of propaganda of various armed groups during an era of secrecy, the region’s media are inseparably connected to its politics, hence the difficulty journalists are running into as they attempt to exert their independence. A description follows of the problems now being faced by the media. Reporters Without Borders has included in this report recommendations to the Iraqi Kurdistan authorities, as well as to the region’s journalists." (Page 2)
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"New media are powerful but have mixed effects on political organizations. To identify these consequences, we need to continue devising new frameworks of analysis. Knowing more about how new media relate to each other and to traditional media is critical. Being sensitive to the differences between,
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and relationships among, the various kinds of new media is also important. Blogs are different from text messages, and both are different from social networking sites. Categorizing these media in terms of their form and likely consequences would help advance research and policy. The consequences of new media for political polarization are especially important. Understanding when new media can have the one or the other consequence is key to future research and policy. Better research tools are urgently needed. Although some highly promising tools exist, they need to be developed so that they can parse languages other than English. New tools that can identify the tone of communication would help greatly but would also require major technological advances. The disparity between publicly available data on new media and those held by private companies (or, in some cases, publicly owned companies in other countries) is considerable. Public-private partnerships, or initiatives sponsored by well-respected nongovernmental bodies, are needed to create frameworks that would allow research on the consequences of new media." (Summary)
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"This book highlights the importance of the news media as watchdogs, agenda setters and gatekeepers for the quality of democratic deliberation in the public sphere. At the same time, it theorizes that the capacity of journalists and media systems to fulfill these roles depends on the broader context
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determined by the profession, the market and the state. Media systems' performance often falls far short of the ideals, as succesive case studies from different world regions demonstrate. Finally, the book asks what policy interventions work effectively to close the gap between the democratic promise and perfomance of the news media as an institution. The final chapter, "Policy recommendations", concludes (page 406): "Interventions include reforms directed at strengthening the journalistic profession, notably institutional capacity building, through bodies such as press councils, press freedom advocacy NGOs, and organizations concerned with journalistic training and accreditation. Other important reforms seek to overcome market failures, including developing a regulatory framework for media systems to ensure pluralism of ownership and diversity of contents. Finally, policies also address the role of the state, including deregulation to shift state-run broadcasting to public service broadcasting, overseen by independent broadcasting regulatory bodies, and the protection of constitutional principles of freedom of the press, speech, and expression." (commbox)
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"The Information Economy Report 2010 focuses on the nexus of ICTs, enterprises and poverty alleviation. Whereas the knowledge base needs to grow considerably, the evidence presented in this Report suggests that more attention should be given by policymakers and other stakeholders to this new set of
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opportunities. The Report is organized into fi ve chapters. Chapter I introduces a c onceptual framework for the analysis that follows. Chapter II reviews recent connectivity and affordability trends to gauge the degree of access and uptake of different ICTs among the poor. Chapter III turns to the role of the poor in the production of ICT goods and services (the ICT sector). In chapter IV, the focus shifts to the use of ICT by enterprises, with emphasis on those that matter most for poor people, namely small and micro-enterprises in urban and rural areas. Finally, chapter V presents the main policy implications from the analysis." (Executive summary, page X)
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"The political landscape of individual countries, including their level of internal legitimacy and perceived vulnerability to political extremists, influences the level of media freedom enjoyed in that country at any given moment. In many MENA countries, media freedom is a privilege bestowed by mona
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rchs and dictators, not an immutable right enshrined in law, despite the existence of press freedom clauses in some constitutions. Therefore, Arab broadcast channels can be “unmade” as easily as they were made. The absence of media company consolidation in the region suggests that owners want to broadcast their own choice of content, including news content, which in turn suggests that media in the region are not viewed as a business venture but as a political tool. Television viewers in the MENA region are generally aware of broadcast ownership, particularly of the bigger stations, and expect a political slant to the news. The general expectation is that no one is broadcasting just for the sake of informing the public, so it is assumed that all the owners have agendas. Private television, whether terrestrial or satellite, is much more threatening to ruling elites than private newspapers, which are easier to censor in advance and to physically disrupt. Thus, governments have been very careful to vet owners prior to granting licenses to private television stations." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"For almost twenty years, United Nations peacekeeping missions have set up local radio stations in conflict-prone countries - 14 to date, seven of which remain in operation. According to this report, some of the fourteen peacekeeping radio stations implemented by the United Nations contributed more
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to democratisation and media development in certain post-conflict countries than any other media assistance programmes. Surveys have confirmed their popularity and credibility with national audiences, and local journalists have lauded their contributions to media diversity and journalism standards. Nevertheless, Bill Orme states that the UN radios were created without long-term planning. Upon disappearance of UN peacekeeping missions the stations were simply closed, therefore losing their positive effects on democratisation and plurality. Only in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Radio Okapi) were there serious attempts to continue the stations after the exit of the UN missions. Based on detailed description and analysis of the different experiences, Orme formulates a number of policy steps that would help UN radios to become lasting contributions to press freedom and peacekeeping." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"[...] International donor support for Afghanistan's media has had two primary goals. The short-term goal has been to counteract the effects of insurgent communications in order to win the hearts and minds of the Afghan people. The long-term goal has been to create a free and independent media secto
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r that will continue to function after donor support has ended. Although millions of dollars have been invested in the development of the Afghan media sector and the growth of private media since 2001 is considered one of Afghanistan's greatest success stories, neither of these donor goals is being met. Donor support for Afghan media has led to the growth of radio and television outlets that are almost entirely dependent on foreign funding - direct and indirect. Recent strategic communications policies have neither diminished nor adequately countered the presence of extremist voices in Afghanistan. Despite some examples to the contrary, Taliban communications continue to affect the lives of ordinary Afghans, whereas many communications by and from Western sources do not. Neither short- nor mid-term analysis of the Afghan economy - ranked the third poorest in the world by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) - foresees the growth of a market able to sustain Afghanistan's domestic media sector without foreign financing. The limited impact of Western communications endeavors, in conjunction with the predicted continued weakness of the Afghan economy, reveals an urgent need for a dramatic shift in the media strategies and goals pursued by the United States and its allies. First and foremost, donors should invest primarily in the Afghan media's production and dissemination of socially constructive contents rather than in building media institutions or infrastructure that the Afghan economy cannot support. For these contents to be received as authentic and credible, they must reflect the vulnerabilities and priorities that Afghans themselves have identified as vital. Donors should make a multiyear funding commitment to the media in Afghanistan. Support should be allocated to both terrestrial and wireless media through a transparent and competitive process developed jointly by donors and Afghan media experts. Aggressively supporting the dissemination of socially constructive contents through new outlets will permit access to both geographic and demographic segments of the population not adequately served by current media outlets." (Summary, page 3)
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"Only a target-group oriented, sustainable and integrated development approach can improve long-term participation possibilities – and therefore people’s living conditions – in our partner countries. This approach ranges from the qualification of media content producers, to media legislation a
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nd to the public’s access to all aspects of the media system. To achieve this goal, media development also aims to maximize the synergy effects offered by the media in projects spanning almost all branches of development cooperation." (Abstract)
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"Les conflits qui ont ravagé la région des Grands Lacs durant la décennie 1990 ont été tellement interconnectés que certains analystes n’ont pas hésité à parler d’une « première guerre mondiale africaine ». Pourtant, alors que la guerre a été régionale, elle a longtemps maintenu l
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es journalistes enclavés dans leur perspective nationale et a empêché les professionnels de l’information de s’ouvrir aux points de vue les uns des autres. Aujourd’hui, alors que la paix s’installe progressivement et que les tensions entre les différents pays paraissent s’apaiser, les médias de la région sont des acteurs cruciaux du processus de réconciliation. En tant qu’informateurs des citoyens et formateurs de la mémoire collective, ils peuvent contribuer à l’élimination de la méfiance et de la haine, à la lutte contre la rumeur et la désinformation, ce qui est tout à fait capital pour que les populations d’Afrique centrale puissent débattre ensemble de leur destin commun. La présente étude tente de faire le point sur la manière donc les médias issus des trois pays (Burundi, RDC et Rwanda) couvrent les enjeux de la région. Les médias accordent-ils beaucoup d’attention à ce qui se passe dans les deux pays voisins ? Abordent-ils des thématiques d’intérêt régional ? Donnent-ils la parole à leurs voisins congolais, burundais et rwandais lorsqu’il s’agit de commenter les événements qui se déroulent dans les Grands Lacs ? Contribuent-ils à générer la méfiance et les malentendus entre les communautés de la région, ou maintiennent-ils les populations dans l’ignorance les unes des autres ? Pour apporter des éléments de réponse à ces questions, cette étude se fonde sur une opération de suivi et d’analyse des contenus d’information diffusés, durant un mois, par une trentaine de médias burundais, congolais et rwandais." (Dos de couverture)
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"This review from the BBC World Service Trust examines why and how the role of communication can be mainstreamed into programme-based approaches (PBAs), one of the main methods now used by bilateral donors to disburse funding to developing countries. The review, which has been developed in associati
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on with (but is published independently of) the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), is intended for three types of audience: communication and media practitioners who work in support of development objectives, or who have a link with the development and aid sectors; donors and developing country policymakers concerned with increasing public understanding and engagement within developing countries with the development system; and country-based organisations that provide technical support and conduct advocacy to prioritise communication and media issues among donors and governments." (Executive summary)
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"Uganda's broadcast media landscape has witnessed tremendous growth in recent years. While the public broadcaster remains the dominant national player - in terms of reach - in both radio and television, commercial broadcasters have introduced a substantial level of diversity in the industry. Public
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broadcasting faces serious competition from the numerous private and independent broadcasters, especially in and around the capital Kampala and major urban centres. In fact, the private/commercial sector clearly dominates the industry in most respects, notably productivity and profitability. The public broadcaster, which enjoys wider geographical coverage, faces the challenge of trying to fulfill a broad mandate with little funding. This makes it difficult for UBC to compete with the more nimble operators in the commercial/private sector. Overall, there appears to be a healthy degree of pluralism and diversity in terms of ownership." (Publisher description)
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"The report explores the various legal and policy mechanisms that are crucial for the free flow of information, providing guidance for policy-makers and other relevant users, for the creation of environments conducive to the freedom of expression. As this publication makes clear, freedom of expressi
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on is not just a by-product of technical change: it must be protected by legal and regulatory measures that balance a variety of potentially conflicting values and interests in a complex global ecology of choices. The impetus that this report provides for the prioritization of research in this field encourages further scrutiny of the multifaceted issues that govern the conditions for freedom of expression on the Internet. The findings of this research point to the need to better track a wider array of global legal and regulatory trends." (Preface)
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