"Around the world, women frequently experience harassment and violence when they decide to exercise their civil and political rights. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have created new vehicles for violence against women in elections (VAWIE), including violence that takes place on so
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cial media and in private messaging. These forms of violence are compounded by the anonymity and scale that online media platforms provide. VAWIE-Online is a means to silence women who publicly engage in political life through fear, shame and intimidation. This violence is different from the online violence and harassment experienced by politically active men in its underlying intent, its multiplied impact, as well as its frequency, form, and content. The VAWIE-Online Social Media Analysis Tool (VAWIE-Online Tool) offers an adaptable method to measure the gendered aspects and understand the drivers of online election violence against women. The primary purpose of this tool is to identify trends and patterns of online violence around electoral periods. More specifically, the tool will allow users to identify the scope, breadth, and intensity of VAWIE-Online. Using artificial intelligence-based data analysis tools, the VAWIE-Online Tool quantifies and categorizes social media data to identify and distinguish forms of online violence. By incorporating this analysis of online violence into broader analysis of gender in elections, electoral stakeholders can better understand this issue in their respective countries and can begin to address it through their work. This guide is intended for use by civil society organizations (CSOs), election and human rights monitors and observers, and other activist and research groups seeking to analyze online violence against women in elections. It is constructed as a step-by-step tool to introduce users to social media analysis, specifically data mining and sentiment analysis. Although this tool is written to provide an introduction and overview for general users, data mining and sentiment analysis are sophisticated research approaches and users of this guide will find it helpful to work with a team that has experience in data analytics and a background in working on gender-based violence (GBV) and electoral politics." (Page 2)
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"El investigador Óscar Lucien, exdirector del Instituto de Investigaciones de la Comunicación (Ininco) de la Universidad Central de Venezuela y autor del libro Cerco rojo a la libertad de expresión (La Hoja del Norte, Editorial Dahbar, Caracas, 2011), sostiene que el régimen venezolano ha diseñ
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ado una arquitectura legal de control a la información, por un lado, y de limitación a la libertad de expresión, por otro." (Página 2)
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"The first section of the chapter provides a brief overview of the legal framework that defines the concept of media space, with a specific focus on election day. Regulations included constraints on journalists' ability to cover the elections, which affected their access to polling stations. The sec
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ond section presents two very different -and often diametrically opposed - views held by the Union Election Commission (UEC) leadership and private media representatives. The root causes of the deeply entrenched mistrust that I observed will be placed in the context of recent private media expansion in the country following the lifting of pre-publication censorship. This includes very different institutional cultures, fundamental disagreements about the role of private media, and diverging political preferences. As a result of the mistrust, there were numerous missed opportunities that could have improved communication among key stakeholders and, in turn, increased awareness about the voting process among the general public. That being said, on election day, media played a fundamental role in legitimizing the vote and enabling a wider acceptance of the results." (Page 252)
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"This article examines the constructive roles of community and faith-based radio in building resilience and trust in Kenya after post-election violence. Since the 2007/08 post-election violence, Kenya has had two hotly contested elections (2013 and 2017), which have contributed to the lack of trust
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in electoral institutions and government and the ongoing mistrust between and among different communities. Both mainstream and community media have been criticized for playing destructive roles during post-election violence in Kenya with little focus on any of their constructive roles in the post-conflict period. A key point in this article is that community radio can be used to facilitate peaceful social dialogue and build trust and resilience between and among different communities in Kenya. This is based on the fact that they actually show promising potentials to promote dialogue and better understanding among conflicting communities." (Abstract)
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"Este manual busca ser una herramienta para que los(as) periodistas tengan mayor información acerca de sus derechos y de cómo pueden protegerlos antes, durante y después de los comicios. Asimismo, pretende dar a conocer diferentes temáticas relevantes en el ambiente electoral, como la Agenda 203
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0 y los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible – ODS, el cubrimiento con enfoque de género y las fuentes útiles para realizar un efectivo ejercicio periodístico." (Página 7)
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"In this factsheet, we study online audience engagement with legacy and digital-born news media across social media platforms (Facebook and Twitter) and the open web during the 2019 Indian General Election on the basis of data collected between 11 April and 19 May. We analyse cross-platform online a
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udience engagement with a sample of 101 major Indian news media during an election in which more than five thousand candidates ran for the 543 available seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament, and nine hundred million eligible voters were called to the polls in the largest democratic election in the world." (Publisher description)
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"Section One (Elections 101) deals with the aspects of voter education and election regulations for both citizens and the media. Section Two (Your Community Radio Station at Election Time) suggests ways to reflect local issues in election coverage and how to make the most of the resources you’ve g
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ot. Section Three (Formats and Platforms to Amplify Broadcast) is a dive into social media approaches and tools that can extend the reach of your content to connect with more and diverse audiences. Section Four (Fact-checking) is all about how to make sure you’ve got it right, and you’re not being fooled by misinformation. The appendix contains a few issue-based resources. These are Fact Sheets compiled by Africa Check on hot election issues like poverty, land and gender violence. There is also a list of contacts and other tools." (Page 2)
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"This volume seeks to analyse the emerging wave of data journalism in the Global South. It does so by examining trends, developments and opportunities for data journalism in the aforementioned contexts. Whilst studies in this specific form of journalism are increasing in numbers and significance, th
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ere remains a dearth of literature on data journalism in less developed regions of the world. By demonstrating an interest in data journalism across countries including Chile, Argentina, the Philippines, South Africa and Iran, among others, this volume contributes to multifaceted transnational debates on journalism, and is a crucial reference text for anyone interested in data journalism in the 'developing' world. Drawing on a range of voices from different fields and nations, sharing empirical and theoretical experiences, the volume aims to initiate a global dialogue among journalism practitioners, researchers and students." (Publisher description)
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"Women are a great untapped potential in Cambodia. That is the driving idea behind the EU-funded project “Women into Politics! Greater female participation in Cambodia”. This three-year project reached women from different regions in Cambodia and gave them the communications skills they needed t
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o run for political office and talk to their constituents or become community leaders in their own locales. It was implemented by Germany’s leading media development organization DW Akademie, local partners Banteay Srei (BtS) and the Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia (WMC), and two third-party funding recipients, Cambodian Volunteers for Society (CVS) and the Youth Council of Cambodia (YCC). The project made use of media—radio, video and, especially, social media—as well as community forums to reach young people, particularly women and first-time voters, in the runup to communal and national elections. This gave them the knowledge they needed to make informed choices at the polls. The project disseminated information on topics with special relevance to women that emerged from local forums where community women could make their voices heard. The project’s overarching goals, empowerment and greater equality for Cambodian women, were in line with the European Union’s focus on gender equality and its commitment to the protection and fulfilment of human rights for women and girls. This best-practice handbook aims to provide an overview of the project—its goals, its approach, its activities and its results. It will look at who was primarily involved in each activity field, how they contributed or benefited, and what came of the three years of project work. This handbook also examines the challenges involved in carrying out the planned activities in a political environment that saw significant changes during the project period." (Introduction)
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"During the 2018 electoral period in Zimbabwe, Media Monitors monitored mainstream media to assess the nature of election coverage with a focus on three issues: Fair and balanced coverage of political players, the media’s role in informing the public on electoral processes, and professional and et
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hical conduct by the media. In the final assessment, Media Monitors concluded that while the election agenda dominated on all media platforms, continued polarised coverage affected the media’s capacity to be fair and balanced, there was a lack of equitability and gender bias. Professionally, there was lack of objectivity in the journalists’ reporting, which manifested itself in the form of unbalanced coverage, denial of the right of reply, lack of follow up to issues raised and failure to distinguish between government activities and political campaigns." (https://www.mediasupport.org)
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"The relationship between the media and security agencies, including those in the law enforcement and intelligence services, has always been a delicate one. In the West African context, this relationship is often characterized by frequent clashes, arising from a somewhat startling inability of eithe
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r side to fully appreciate the role of the other in society, particularly in democratic governance. This report pulls together experiences and reflections from Liberia, Ghana and Sierra Leone, distilling lessons learnt and best practices in this regard and outlining a framework to inform future initiatives by a variety of stakeholders." (www.mediasupport.org)
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"La relation entre les médias et les agences de sécurité, y compris les services de police et de renseignement, a toujours été délicate. Dans le contexte de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, cette relation est souvent caractérisée par des affrontements fréquents, résultant d'une incapacité quelque pe
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u surprenante des deux parties à apprécier pleinement le rôle de l'autre dans la société, en particulier dans la gouvernance démocratique. Ce rapport rassemble les expériences et les réflexions du Liberia, du Ghana et de la Sierra Leone, distillant les leçons apprises et les meilleures pratiques à cet égard et esquissant un cadre pour informer les initiatives futures d'une variété de parties prenantes." (www.mediasupport.org)
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