"A quick review of the media status in Palestine indicates that the restrictions and general measures that accompanied the spread of the epidemic will lead to the suspension of many independent/private media outlets, as a result of the interruption of their main source of income, represented in the
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already scarce advertisements. This will cause a serious blow to pluralism and undermine the contexts and trends of public media coverage of various issues, at the forefront of which the controversial issues, which may pave the way for a single-opinion media in Palestine. The matter here is not only limited to the opportunities of continuity and survival from the financial challenges that independent/private media organizations will face, but also extends to one of the most important pillars of press, pluralism and freedom. It is not possible to address the concept of free media apart from pluralism, which (if absent) will lead to the lack of accountability and criticism on the media’s agenda, and the absence of a very important platform for public debate, which will deprive the public of an important opportunity to participate and influence public issues and policies. Some of the general measures imposed during this crisis (not only in Palestine but in various countries) indicate a more difficult and limited working environment that the media may be influenced by once the emergency state and the crisis end. Among the important questions raised in this regard is that idolizing the Government and Security Services (even the health staff ) in connection with their role as part of their duty, will affect the opportunities for the media to account and criticize the Government, Security Services and the health sector after the end of the pandemic." (Pages 4-5)
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"The political context for practicing free and independent journalism has always been challenging in Turkey and ever more so after the failed coup d’état of 2016. This article examines and analyzes the changes brought about by this failed coup d’état in terms of their civil, legal, and politic
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al significance for news journalism and news journalists. More specifically and based on two sets of semi-structured interviews with Turkish editors and senior journalists supported by an analysis of gray literature, we argue that between 2013 and 2018 Turkey has moved from a pre-coup repression of news journalism (2013–2016) to a post-coup oppression of news journalism (2016–2018). The former was characterized by unsystematic attacks on news journalism conducted with impunity leading to a climate of fear that made self-censorship inescapable. In contrast, the latter relied on constitutional changes and the use of law to systematically compromise the civil institution of news journalism and to cast news journalists as political enemies of the Turkish state resulting in what can be likened to a loss of their citizenship. We further argue that the development from the repression to oppression of news journalism has been ‘authorized’ and ‘legalized’ by the constitutional changes that came into force on 9 July 2018." (Abstract)
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"The increased political capture of the Yemeni media since 2014 has reinforced diverging political discourses and has contributed to polarization across society and to political fragmentation. Content of newspapers, television and online platforms has further eroded journalistic standards through th
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e circulation of articles and news with biased angles, ungrounded “facts” and ethical disregard. Practitioners face steep chal- lenges in composing professional stories. Journalists are subject to harassment, intimidation, abduction and violence. The destruction of infrastructure, currency devaluation and delays in salary payment also inhibit media operations. Yet, journalists remain hopeful of the prospect of media reform and are eager to detail the prerequisites for proactive change. Encouraging the development of independent news outlets, independent funding and capacity-building activities could en- able the media to contribute to mutual understanding, de-escalation and the requirements for peace." (Executive summary)
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"Key trends: Fueling the pandemic, a dangerous “disinfodemic” has arisen; Against soaring demand for verified information, independent media have risen to the challenge; Technology companies are taking action, but more transparency is needed; Some regulatory measures have led to new restrictions
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of human rights; To keep the public informed, journalists are putting their own safety at risk; The economic impact of COVID-19 may pose an existential threat to journalism; Amid the crisis, there are new opportunities to stand up for journalism." (Page 1)
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"Mit einer Reform 2018 wurden die Grundrechte in der kubanischen Verfassung stärker verankert, ein zarter Hoffnungsschimmer für die Bevölkerung. Doch in der Praxis sind die Kubaner noch immer stark eingeschränkt. Besonders die Meinungs- und Versammlungsfreiheit sind erheblich limitiert und werde
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n de facto von der Regierung aktiv unterbunden. Der zaghafte digitale Fortschritt in Kuba und die Coronakrise bringen sogar noch zusätzliche Einschränkungen für Kubaner mit sich." (Seite 1)
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"This document sets out ECPMF’s strategic approach to tackle the existing and emerging challenges over the next five years. Starting in September 2019, the creation of this plan is the result of several stages of research, feedback from staff and board members as well as partners and beneficiaries
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across Europe. It clearly articulates ECPMF’s vision, mission and organisational values, as well as the three core strands of the organisation’s work to ‘Monitor’, ‘Support’ and ‘Engage’. Our short term 2020-21 targets reflect ECPMF’s current top-line project commitments, including through the newly launched Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR). These concrete activity based targets will be reviewed year on year, in line with ECPMF’s overarching key strategic priorities that we have mapped out for the organisation to achieve by 2024." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Für Journalisten gehört Honduras zu den gefährlichsten Ländern der Welt. Das gilt besonders für diejenigen, die sich für Menschenrechte und Demokratie einsetzen, wie die Mitarbeiter von Radio Progreso, eines der letzten unabhängigen Medien des Landes. Jeden Tag schweben sie in Lebensgefahr."
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(Seite 6)
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"It may be observed that, first, at the level of public perception, government actions to restrict free speech are often preceded by statements criticizing the media and foreshadowing a penalty or sanction, which are actually directed to the public and not the media, as if to prime the latter on the
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acceptability of the planned restrictions. The president and his personnel routinely come up with fresh allegations, repeated over time, to discredit journalists and the media, which, in a social media environment crowded with ‘trolls’ and which is at the mercy of algorithms, may be deeply reinforced by echo chambers and confirmation bias. Second, to justify the implementation of legal restrictions, law personnel take a very liberal interpretation of laws, which just straggles the line between what is allowable and what is not (the idea of “continuing publication”; vagueness in the terms “public interest,” “spreading panic or fear,” etc.) thereby allowing the interpretation a degree of legitimacy, since it not entirely wrong and is subjective. Third, freedom of expression is not the only battlefront, so to speak, as evinced by government’s reexaminations of corporate registrations, licenses, permits, and franchises of media entities. At their core, media entities are corporations and journalists are mostly employees (if not contributors) and in that context, there is space for government agencies to nitpick on documents submitted to their offices as part of regulatory compliance, and prepare in advance legal arguments based on records under their custody." (Summary and conclusion, page 40)
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"This article assesses the multiple factors which are barriers to media freedom in South Africa. These include crises of financial sustainability of the media sector which have recently been compounded by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic; widespread job losses in journalism; and harassment and phy
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sical violence against journalists from political representatives, security services, the judiciary, citizens and from within the media sector itself. Notwithstanding the contested liberal normative role of the press, the assessment of “media freedom inhibitors” offered here is theoretically premised on the role of the media in a democracy, and the importance of media freedom to the political, economic and social welfare of a democratic society. Methodologically, the data was collated from the State of the Newsroom (SoN) publications, and via the South African National Editors’ Forum (SANEF) archive, which revealed that the intensity of attacks on journalists in South Africa is escalating, and from different quarters. Thus, the article argues for broadening the scope of research and advocacy efforts, beyond government-proposed legislation, to the multiple other obstacles to media freedom in the country." (Abstract)
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"This study aims to examine the impacts of secular nationalist and Islamic-based populist communication strategies advanced by Jokowi and Prabowo on the Indonesian media and journalists' freedoms during the presidential elections of 2019. To address this topic, this study uses the qualitative method
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s of document review and in-depth interview of four senior editors of Indonesian news channels including Kompas TV, CNN Indonesia, TV one and INews TV. This study uses thematic analysis to analyse the qualitative data." (Abstract)
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"This book studies tabloid journalism newspapers within the broader context of press freedom in Africa. After defining tabloid journalism and professional practices within various political contexts, the book then proceeds to consider tabloids in Southern Africa and emerging cyberspace laws. Many fa
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ctors of press freedom are considered, including the impact of public order and national security laws on tabloids in North Africa, the impact of defamation laws on tabloids in West Africa, the impact of the fake news laws on tabloids in East Africa, and the impact of sedition and treason laws on tabloids in Central Africa. Exploring tabloid journalism and press freedom in Arabic, Portuguese, and Francophone speaking countries across Africa, this book is a unique addition to this emerging field. The book concludes by providing a synthesis of the developing patterns from the cases analysed and by looking to the future to make recommendations and map the challenges and the successes." (Publisher description)
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"This article investigates how news professionals in a nondemocratic regime rationalize their institutional roles and daily reporting practices, negotiate boundaries of their work, and make sense of their professional activities. This study used qualitative interviewing to explore personal experienc
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es, perceived practices, and opinions of Belarusian journalists and media experts. When addressing the gap between their understanding of normative roles and describing their actual practices, journalists provided such rationalizations as personal beliefs and motivations, risks, internal conflict, and professional deformation, as well as attempts to find middle ground. News practitioners in autocratic regimes often expand boundaries of press freedom with civic courage by reporting critically of government policies and taking risks when public interests are at stake. In addition, the study highlights that certain restrictions lead to a more disciplined professional culture of journalists as thorough fact-checking is necessary to avoid penalties enforced by government offices." (Abstract)
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"This chapter focuses on the context of violence and political polarization in three Central American countries: Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, and analyses how these conditions negatively affect press freedom and the practice of journalism. The author argues that the notion of “insecure dem
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ocracies” can be applied to the reality of these countries and discusses relevant limitations for the work of media organizations and journalists, and how these constrains might impact journalists’ motivations to engage in self-censorship. The author concludes that the engagement of political, social and academic actors and journalists’ associations is necessary for improving the conditions for press freedom, the safety and security of journalists, plural and diverse media systems, and for deepening the understanding of self-censorship in these Central American countries." (Abstract)
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