"In its political support the Commission will encourage enlargement countries to make legislation more supportive of the media. It will also promote the involvement of media and civil society in the pre-accession process, including in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of sector strategi
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es for EU financial assistance which will be strengthened under IPA II. The Commission's financial assistance will use an appropriate mix of funding instruments to respond to different types of needs and country contexts in a flexible, transparent, cost-effective and results focused manner which also considers the administration burden for the Commission. This will include: aiming for longer term contracts, recognising that capacity building and advocacy work requires time and resources; moving away from project based support to a more flexible approach that fosters partnership and coalition building. It must also be understood that accession-related EU funding is limited in volume and time. Although having been a major donor to Media and Civil Society, the EU cannot and should not aim to fill the funding gap left as other donors exit from the region. As the enlargement countries move towards accession, the Commission will support media organisations become less dependent on international donor funding, including funding from the EU [...] "These guidelines are formulated in the form of a draft results framework. The framework contains goals and results to be achieved by developing and deploying multi-beneficiary and bilateral assistance programmes. Special attention is paid to the aspect of verification: measurable indicators (and benchmarks) are grouped according to particular results to be achieved and possible means of verification (MoV) are identified for each group of indicators. The selection of indicators and MoVs also take into consideration the cost-effectiveness and actual availability of data. Monitoring the guidelines will be supervised by DG ELARG in collaboration with the EU Delegations in the region, international organisations and networks of CSOs already active in media freedom and integrity. The collection of data will include both qualitative and quantitative assessments and will be conducted by means of surveys, peer reviews, independent assessment, etc." (Pages 4-5)
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"The study analyses media freedom and pluralism in the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia) in light of the EU enlargement policy. Despite the different stages of their EU accession paths, these countries share si
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milar challenges, even if they are of different intensities. The study analyses the overall legal framework and its unsatisfactory levels of implementation, the role and the independence of PSB, the media market, and the status of journalists. It also outlines country-specific profiles, regarding these categories. The paper outlines and analyses the current EU policies and financial instruments to foster media freedom and media pluralism in the region, including the Stabilisation and Association Process and specific acquis. It also analyses the issues in the context of the EU ‘internal’ and ‘external’ policy on media freedom and media pluralism. The study outlines the complementary roles of the CoE and the OSCE as setting common standards on media freedom in Europe and the EU institutions as being the main engine and guarantor for their implementation. Finally, the recommendations point towards the EU establishing a more long-term, integrated and comprehensive strategy of external help, monitoring and capacity building." (Abstract)
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"Journalism in Mexico has become a high-risk profession. With 137 journalists killed and 14 missing since the start of the “drug wars” there, Mexico has become the Latin American country with the most crimes against journalists (Rodríguez Olvera, 2011). Between 2000 and 2011, the National Commi
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ssion of Human Rights (CNDH. Mexico) reported 74 murders of journalists in Mexico (cited in Meneses, 2012); consequently, some international organizations placed it as the second most dangerous country to practice journalism (Meneses, 2012). They have become endangered observers of drug trafficking crimes when retaliation threatens their disappearance or murder. This reduces freedom of expression and freedom of the press, and threatens citizens’ right to be informed. Historically, journalists have performed their jobs under pressure, and have thus been dependent on the interests of the media. In Mexico, over the past decade, members of this profession have faced great risks in order to do their jobs in the midst of a war against drug trafficking." (Introduction)
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"Press freedom is a key component of the general level of democracy in a country. Most often, changes in the state of media freedom have happened in tandem with changes in broader freedoms, therefore making it a sensitive indicator of the overall health of a democracy. In some cases, its deteriorati
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on might even warn us about bigger forces at work and point to an emerging or consolidating regime that is moving in the direction of restricting both political rights and civil liberties. Overall data on the global trends in the past five years–as shown in the global average overall and subcategory scores in the Freedom in the World report–reinforces this assertion." (Conclusion)
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"Somaliland needs legal, policy and institutional reforms in order to avoid arbitrary and politically motivated interference with the dissemination of information and opinions to the public. This is the conclusion of one of the papers presented at the 4th Annual Conference organized by the Social Re
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search and Development Institute (SORADI). With a focus on media development, the conference in Hargeisa on August 24 and 25 [2013] brought together representatives from government institutions, policy makers, civil society as well as academics, journalists, international scholars, and traditional leaders to discuss, debate and exchange ideas on press freedom in Somaliland's young democracy. With 57 licensed newspapers, 8 TV stations, 108 news websites but only one public radio station the first contribution to the discussion centered on the media industry, its practices and the lack of enforcement of regulatory frameworks. Lessons from what the author of the second paper called "Africa's freedom of speech dilemma" guided the conversation on what there is to learn for Somaliland. Further afield, the third paper dealt with the role of the Diaspora in shaping the media landscape in Somaliland. As part of the discussion on professional media practices, the fourth presentation looked at challenges of Somaliland Universities to offer relevant studies programmes. Debating the intricate issue of balancing rights and responsibilities of media, the fifth paper looked at the performance of the media during the time of elections. The final paper summarised promises and challenges of media freedom in Somaliland." (https://ke.boell.org)
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"Internews’ research reveals a confluence of conditions in ASEAN that make the present time a critical moment for Freedom of Expression / Right to Information (FoE/RTI) interventions in the region. As donor support dwindles, and threats to FoE increase, there is a danger of a severe roll-back of t
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he rights and freedoms in the region that underpin thriving democracies. The backdrop to this scenario – ASEAN integration along with various other regional synergies – has created an opening for dialogue on key social issues such as FoE/RTI that connect countries within the region." (Conclusion)
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"Losing Control: freedom of the press in Asia takes us right up to the end of this tumultuous century. It deals with the Chinese media cranking up its latest propaganda campaign, this time against the Falun Gong. It discusses how the Indonesian media lost its way in reporting the tragedy in East Tim
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or. And it comments on how the Cambodian media-or at least parts of it-surprisingly reported the allegations that the Prime Minister's wife had her husband's movie star girlfriend assassinated. The book adopts a country-by-country approach dealing with all the countries in Northeast and Southeast Asia. It does not attempt to sweep across to the sub-continent. It would not be possible to do justice to any discussion of freedom of the press in that region by sandwiching it in between the pages of a book about East Asia. The methodology is based on an underlying assumption: that journalists are best placed to provide the most up-to-date analysis of their own industry. Where possible, local journalists have contributed the country chapters. In some cases a more useful outcome could be achieved by employing foreign correspondents and commentators. Authors have written their chapters using journalistic research tools, such as first hand interviews, as well as more conventional academic methods." (Page 14)
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"Farida Nekzad leitet die Nachrichtenagentur Wakht in Afghanistan. Im Message-Interview erklärt sie, unter welchen Gefahr Journalistinnen in ihrem Land arbeiten und welche Medien Warlords bevorzugen." (Einleitung)
"Nachdem sich die Osttimoresen 1999 mit großer Mehrheit für die Loslösung von Indonesien in einem von den Vereinten Nationen durchgeführten Referendum entschieden hatten, eskalierte die Gewalt. Einher gingen die Menschenrechtsverletzungen mit einer massiven Einschränkung der Meinungs- und Press
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efreiheit. Journalisten wurden von der indonesischen Polizei am 5. und 6. September 1999 sogar gewaltsam zum Verlassen der Insel gezwungen." (Abstract)
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"Mit Platz 139 beim Press Freedom Index von Reporter ohne Grenzen rangiert Indonesien in Sachen Pressefreiheit im weit unteren Bereich des internationalen Spektrums. Innerhalb Indonesiens ist Papua die Region, aus der am häufigsten über Einschüchterungen und Angriffe gegen Journalisten berichtet
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wird. Weder ausländische Journalisten noch UN-Beobachter dürfen frei in die Konfliktregion einreisen. Der Ruf indigener Papua nach Unabhängigkeit von Indonesien, massive Militärpräsenz in der Öffentlichkeit und fast unkontrollierter Ressourcenabbau machen Papua zu einem Konfliktherd verschiedener Interessen, in dem es regelmäßig zu ernsten Menschenrechtsverletzungen kommt." (Abstract)
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"Indonesische Radiomacher stehen momentan vor zwei großen Herausforderungen: Sie kämpfen zum einen mit dem Bedeutungsverlust des Hörfunks und sehen sich zum anderen mit pressefreiheitlichen Einschränkungen konfrontiert." (Abstract)
"Indonesien richtet sein Augenmerk auf die kommende Präsidentschaftswahl 2014. Ein Faktor, der in diesem Prozess und dessen Ausgang eine große Rolle spielen könnte, ist die Medienlandschaft. Um die Bedeutung der Medien für die Förderung von Demokratie und die Vermittlung von Grundsätzen der Me
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inungsfreiheit verstehen zu können, muss man die Auswirkungen der Reformasi auf die Wahrung der Medienrechte der BürgerInnen verstehen." (Abstract)
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"Dinh Nhat Uy forderte auf Facebook die Freilassung seines inhaftierten Bruders, jetzt wurde er selbst verurteilt. Uys jüngerer Bruder Dich Nguyen Kha hatte im Frühjahr Flugblätter verteilt, in denen die Partei und die Politik der Regierung kritisiert wurden, und erhielt dafür vier Jahre Gefäng
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nis. Das Verteilen von solchen Schriften wird seit Jahren als »Propaganda gegen den Staat« eingestuft und nach Artikel 88 Strafgesetzbuch mit bis zu 20 Jahren Haft bestraft. Nun ist auch Dinh Nhat Uy für seine Beiträge auf Facebook bestraft worden – mit 15 Monaten Haft auf Bewährung. Uys Fall erregte Aufmerksamkeit in der Online-Community, denn es ist das erste Mal, dass einem vietnamesischen Aktivisten wegen seiner Kommentare in einem sozialen Netzwerk der Prozess gemacht wurde." (Abstract)
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"Every year, several international organizations monitoring press freedom worldwide issue reports in which they underline the occupational hazards faced by journalists while reporting. Some African countries, such as Eritrea, Sudan, Somalia or Equatorial Guinea, have been regularly pinpointed at the
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bottom of these annual rankings. A few others (Cap Vert, Namibia, Niger, Ghana, South Africa) are crawling among the top 50 countries in the world. How do the indicators used by those organizations reveal a specific understanding of the professional practices and of the risks associated with it? Are they relevant to the reality of the daily practice of journalism on the African continent? Has this image led to particular measures aimed at preventing or self-regulating potential abuses in view of the risks incurred? Are there other ‘high-risk’ areas of the professional practice that these indicators fail to cover, and why? Starting from a reflection on the criteria used internationally to assess press freedom, and on the ‘risks’ associated with the profession, this article tries to show that the threats upon media professionals on the African continent are much more complex than those rankings and their indicators would suggest." (Abstract)
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"This guidebook aims to give the reader an overview of the existing international media freedom measures and how they can be used. By introducing the methodology and pointing out the strengths and weaknesses, it allows the readers to better understand, judge and thus critically reflect the indices
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findings. This, in turn, enables them to ideally use and adopt the results for their own purposes. It addresses both stakeholders active in media development cooperation and journalists as well as all other people interested in this topic, such as politicians, academics or activists. The following five international and global media freedom indices will be introduced and analyzed: The Freedom of the Press Index by Freedom House; The Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders; The Media Sustainability Index by the International Research & Exchanges Board (IREX); The African Media Barometer by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung; The Media Development Indicators by UNESCO. These five measures were selected for the analysis because they are the only initiatives that evaluate media freedom internationally and on a regular basis. Strictly speaking, these indices can be further divided into two subgroups: those that claim to measure media freedom and those that aim to measure the theoretically broader concepts of media development or media sustainability. But since media freedom is a crucial component of media development and media sustainability and because in practice it is difficult to properly distinguish between the two concepts, both are included in this analysis." (Introduction, page 7)
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