"This study assesses the impact of the African Charter on Broadcasting, a blueprint for broadcasting reform in Africa, approved in 2001 at a conference of media practitioners and freedom of expression advocates held in Windhoek, Namibia. The geographical focus of this study is five countries in West
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Africa - Ghana, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal. The purpose of the study is to contribute to the strengthening of pluralistic media and the democratization of communication in countries in transition in West Africa. Its observations and recommendations are also of relevance to those engaged more widely in media reform advocacy and democracy promotion as well as scholars of broadcasting law and policy." (Introduction, page 13)
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"In September 2011 FES initiated the Balkan Media Barometer (BMB) with Bosnia and Herzegovina serving as a pilot project for South East Europe and the rest of the continent. A panel of experts from BiH discussed and scored a list of 44 indicators based on standards referenced to European documents,
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most of them drawn up by the Council of Europe. This approach of working on the basis of home-grown principles is meant to give the assessments greater relevance and to allow civil society groups and media activists in the various countries to evaluate and measure up their findings directly against declarations and documents adopted and accepted by their own governments." (Introduction)
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"This article has aimed to open a discussion on the rethinking a neo authoritarian media system in the age of neo liberalism as a case of Turkey’s media experiences. In this context, this study deals with the media policy paradigm shift in the Republic of Turkey since 1980s. According to a recent
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report of the European Journalism Centre (2010:4); although in the wake of a recent democratization wave in the country, there have been some positive elements in the media such as sporadic emergence of some critical perspectives even in some notoriously biased media outlets, which may change this bleak picture, the structural factors which shape the media practices (ownership concentration, working conditions of the journalist, etc) are too rigid and therefore it is too early to become optimistic. In this context, some aspects of these democratization processes are taken from the candidacy of European Union. Despite these positive developments in the doorstep of the European Union, Turkey’s media experience is heavily based on ownership structure and journalistic routines are far away from the democratic media system. Therefore, Turkey’s media experiences are characterised as a sample of neo authoritarian media system with ongoing media policy transformations, for instance privatization of media companies as much as possible, breaking monopolies and the fundamental change of the public broadcasting service is in the context of media policy. This observable change depends on the two overlapping development in Turkey’s democracy. On the one hand, the landscape of national media spaces has been affected by the political and economical conditions; especially after the two financial crashes (in 2000 and 2001) Turkey’s media has followed a re-structure by means of ownership and control. On the other hand, Turkey’s media experiences have been affected by governmental changes. Before the economic crises Turkey’s democracy was governed by a coalition and after the economic crises Turkey’s government changed by the national elections in 2002. Thus this article seeks to answer two interrelated questions: Where does press freedom stand in Turkey decades after the Justice and Development Party’s policies began? And what does Turkey’s media transformation tell us about our understanding of mass political media systems? In this study by using comparative analysis, and incorporating political science literature that offers typologies of non democratic systems of governance, this article demonstrates that contemporary Turkey’s media find much in common with authoritarian regimes across the world and are not sui generis as some have argued." (Abstract)
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"On 26 January 2011, UNESCO hosted the second International Symposium on Freedom of Expression at its Paris headquarters. The Swedish National Commission for UNESCO sponsored the conference. The symposium brought together individuals and organisations linked to the field of journalism and sparked no
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t only debate and discussion on the future of freedom of expression, but also fostered dialogue between civil society and governments – an exchange that UNESCO will continue to support. The symposium consisted of three main sessions devoted to The Status of Press Freedom Worldwide, Freedom of Expression on the Internet, and Press Freedom and the Safety of Journalists. The conference was opened by UNESCO Director-General Irina Bokova, and the Swedish Minister for European Affairs, Birgitta Ohlsson, spoke on the role of free speech and government accountability. The UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Frank La Rue, gave the keynote address, calling attention to the impact of new technologies on the field of journalism and the importance of promoting freedom of access alongside freedom of speech. The symposium was moderated by Helge Rønning, Professor of Media Studies at the University of Oslo. He made the opening remarks at each of the sessions." (Page 111)
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"The Law, published on 22 December 2010, is an amendment to the 2004 Law on Social Responsibility on Radio and Television. The 2010 amended Law extends the power of the state to control electronic media in the same way as traditional broadcasting. The Law aims at “establishing social responsibilit
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y” for all participants and “to set a balance between their duties, liberties and rights”. While these purposes are recognised as legitimate by international law, ARTICLE 19 is concerned by four aspects of the law. Firstly, the Law includes no safeguards against disproportionate and arbitrary restrictions on freedom of expression. In particular, there is no requirement for restrictions to meet the three-party test established by international law. In light of the severity of the provided sanctions, and the unnecessarily intrusive nature of certain restrictions, such an omission has troubling implications for freedom of expression. Secondly, the Law fails to secure the independence of the broadcast regulators. While several regulatory bodies are established to implement the law, all are either part of the government or controlled by the government. This contradicts international standards and further exposes media regulators to arbitrary and politically-motivated decisions. Thirdly, the Law contains some unclear prohibitions – with sanctions in place for “[encouraging] anxiety amount citizenry”, or “[disregarding] legitimate authorities” - which risk being used arbitrarily to place broadcast media under political control and to limit media pluralism. Finally, the Law contains broad provisions for state control over the internet, with electronic media being regulated in the same way as traditional broadcasting. Such an approach to Internet regulation impedes both the right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy." (Executive summary)
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"In 2006 the BBC World Service Trust (BBC WST), funded by the UK Department for International Development, conducted research into media in 17 countries across sub-Saharan Africa in order to identify priorities for future media development initiatives. A series of African Media Development Initiativ
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e (AMDI) reports were produced, and this Media Sector Analysis builds on the Somalia component of that work. This analysis has been produced in consultation with media stakeholders and is grounded in a review of previously published material. The report is just one component of a larger media development project being delivered by the BBC WST entitled ‘Strengthening Radio Stations in Somalia to Promote Human Rights, Peace and Governance’ - a two-year project which aims to enhance the reach, levels of audience participation and professional capacity of Somali media. The media, and specifically, radio, is seen as a key local institution well placed to promote individual human and civil rights, freedom of expression and democratic dialogue. The project is informed by a rights perspective, ensuring that actions separately and collectively empower marginalised citizens, in particular, women and young people, to engage in direct dialogue with local authorities and thus have improved access to their civil and political rights. The project comprises two other strands in addition to the Media Sector Analysis: Capacity-building in six Somali radio stations [...]; media-related training for civil society rganisations [...] this report will inform the above project strands, as well as providing a basis for the development of media policy in the Somali region." (Foreword)
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"Those working to develop and reform media often draw on human rights discourse, especially in areas of political violence. Yet discourse reflecting globally dominant conceptions of individually based human rights can have detrimental effects. This study illustrates how militarization and this disco
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urse of human rights can be mutually reinforcing, and explores the impact of this phenomenon on media and reform efforts. We examine as case studies the efforts to reform and develop media in the Philippines and Burma (Myanmar), both militarized states with severely constrained political discourse. As a result, media freedom and reform efforts tend to center on the safety and individual rights of journalists rather than on media as a public service, a political and social force accessible to all." (Abstract)
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"Over time the governments of Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador have shown a growing willingness to shrug off even the harshest criticism from usually friendly forums such as the OAS and UNESCO. As the media is forced into silence and the independence of the judiciary is weakened, there are
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fewer and fewer options to induce these governments to change their behavior [...] Despite the seeming indifference of the leaders of the Bolivarian states to how their record on press freedom is perceived internationally, it is worth noting that the governments still respond to criticism, particularly if it does not come from the United States. One of the most effective tools remains sensitivity to the perceptions of Latin American colleagues and European leaders." (Conclusions, page 29)
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