"A large majority (71%) of Ethiopians "agree" or "strongly agree" that the media should "constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption." About six in 10 citizens (59%) endorse the principle that the media "should have the right to publish any views and ideas without governm
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ent control." A slim majority (51%) of respondents assess their country's media as "somewhat free" or "completely free," while 44% consider the media "not very" or "not at all" free. Close to two-thirds (64%) of adults own a mobile phone, 33% a radio, 29% a television set, and 5% a computer. Only 22% own a mobile phone with Internet connectivity. Radio is Ethiopia's most popular news source: 42% of citizens say they tune in "every day" or "a few times a week." More than a third (35%) say they regularly get news from television, while about two in 10 are regular consumers of news from social media (18%) and the Internet (17%)." Key findings)
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"The proliferation of misinformation, disinformation, and mal-information (MDM) poses serious challenges to democracy, public safety, and national security. Conversely, these very worries could be used as a front for unjustified ends. There is a global trend toward legislation that may risk infringi
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ng on press freedoms, civil liberties, and the very democratic and liberal values that protect independent media and safeguard free expression." (Conclusion, page 17)
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"Journalists act strategically in response to their political environments, using practices like self-censorship to avoid negative repercussions from powerful actors. But what does self-censorship look like in practice? Grounded in theories of policy response and media sociology, this study uses jou
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rnalistic narratives to examine three strategies journalists employ to publish news while safeguarding themselves in semi-authoritarian contexts with restricted media freedom. Journalists choose among these based on several factors, including the relative power available to them in a particular organizational context, story idea, or angle. The analysis shows that self-censorship is more negotiated and less one-directional than the current literature suggests. The negotiation lens also shows how power dynamics can change on a situational basis, even in contexts where one actor clearly has significantly more power than the other." (Abstract)
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"The report has, in summary, shown that although there are positive developments across the Southern African region, meeting the international standards is still work in progress and in some instances, states are regressing. There is evidence of a plethora of challenges that hinder the practice of i
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ndependent journalism and also the continuation of restrictive measures that do not promote press freedom. Journalists who face intimidation, harassment and other forms of violence, in most instances are confronted with the reality of impunity and diminishing political will to protect media workers. As a way forward, it is imperative for states in Southern Africa to adopt the necessary practical measures and implement the 2019 Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa. The calls on States to create a conducive environment for the exercise of freedom of expression, and ensure protection from interference both online and offline." (Conclusion, page 23)
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"Studies about media self-censorship typically focus on its mechanism in traditional newsroom settings. But how media self-censorship may evolve in online journalism has remained largely unexplored. Using Hong Kong as a case, I examine the digital evolution of media self-censorship in a unique non-d
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emocratic context. Drawing on interviews with online journalists, my findings reveal that digital transformation has provided new valences for media self-censorship. With the financial hardship of legacy media in the digital age, Hong Kong online journalists are more directly exposed to external threats such as advertisement boycotts orchestrated by the state, and hence increasingly reluctant to offend external powerholders out of the fear of political and financial retaliation. Moreover, as online journalists adopt business-driven norms that favor the generation of clicks, political or policy news are further marginalized. These stories are often deemed boring, non-engaging to online audiences, and are not “sensationalizable” due to political risks, especially when compared to soft news types like crimes and lifestyles stories. Adapting to these changes, news managers are increasingly used to avoiding professional editorial debates that results are unpredictable but using “objective” web metrics as persuasive devices to discourage the production of sensitive news. Lastly, the dissemination of sensitive news is curbed in the social media gatekeeping process. These findings suggest that an authoritarian state can effectively influence online news production by controlling the capital that drives digital transformation, thereby limiting the liberating potential of the media in the digital age." (Abstract)
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"The survey data show that most Zimbabweans treasure a media that is free from the shackles of government interference and that acts as a watchdog over government, investigating and reporting on its mistakes and corruption. Despite this dominant preference, only a minority think the country currentl
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y has a free media, suggesting that citizens want the government to do more to ensure that journalists can deliver on their mandate freely and safely. Majorities also endorse the right of ordinary citizens and the media to access various types of government information, including budgets and expenditures for local government, bids and contracts, and salary information for teachers and local government officials. As for where Zimbabweans obtain their news, radio still rules the roost among news sources, though social media is challenging its dominance among young, urban, and educated citizens." (Conclusion)
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"De acordo com a mais recente pesquisa do Afrobarometer, os Angolanos concordam amplamente que a imprensa deve agir como um fiscalizador do governo, investigando os seus erros e os casos de corrupção para os reportar. Os cidadãos valorizam a liberdade de imprensa e rejeitam a noção de que a inf
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ormação pública deva ser propriedade exclusiva dos funcionários do governo. No entanto, as opiniões divergem sobre se a liberdade de imprensa existe na prática. A televisão e a rádio continuam a ser as principais fontes de notícia da maioria dos Angolanos, comparativamente as redes sociais e a Internet, embora a diferença não seja tão expressiva, sobretudo entre os cidadãos jovens e mais educados." (Resumo)
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"According to the most recent Afrobarometer survey, Angolans broadly agree that the media should act as a watchdog over the government, constantly investigating and reporting on government mistakes and corruption. Citizens value media freedom and reject the notion that public information should be t
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he exclusive preserve of government officials. However, views are mixed on whether media freedom exists in practice. Television and radio still outpace social media and the Internet as popular news sources in Angola, but not by much – especially among young and educated citizens." (Summary)
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"In this report we explore the complex interface between power and the fundamental human rights of press freedom and freedom of expression. We also document the challenges for media and attacks to journalists in this time, including at least 140 violations, including killings, jailings, legal harass
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ment and assaults. In the period, the IFJ and its affiliates recorded 13 targeted killings of media workers and 74 cases of jailing, detention or torture. At the time of publication, at least 10 journalists, five in India alone, remain behind bars. In 2023, as we mark the 30th anniversary of the proclamation of World Press Freedom Day by the 48th UN General Assembly, we as media workers must take stock of the challenges for media freedom and the safety of journalists; raise awareness and foster partnerships to defend media from attacks; and pay tribute to journalists who have lost their lives in the exercise of their work." (Foreword)
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"This article analyses how international advocacy campaigns approach and define media freedom, and what influences this process. It does this through a two-year case study of the Media Freedom Coalition—an intergovernmental partnership of over 50 countries—that included 55 interviews with key st
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akeholders, observations, and document analysis. This revelatory case sheds light on how norms of media freedom are constructed and contested on the international stage, and their implications for journalists, media freedom and geo-politics. We show that the Coalition adopted a state-centric, accountability-focused, and negative understanding of media freedom. This discourse legitimized a narrow, reactive, and “resource-light” approach to supporting media freedom, focused on “other” countries. We argue that critical norm research provides a helpful prism for understanding this Coalition’s operations, and the global politics of media freedom more generally. These findings have important implications for understandings of “norm entrepreneurship,” “media imperialism,” and “media freedom” itself." (Abstract)
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"The existing literature presents several studies which show that the levels of press freedom can affect the state of the economy. What has not thus far been investigated is whether the economy can affect the levels of press freedom, the specific economic conditions that mainly affect it and the dif
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ferences among various countries. This study attempts to analyze the impact of economic conditions on the degree of press freedom, in 18 countries of the western world based on a quantitative analysis for the period 2002–2019, and advance our understanding of this relationship. We find that the state of the economy within a country can affect the level of press freedom while the effects of economic conditions on the degree of press freedom seem to vary among different media systems of the western world." (Abstract)
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