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Freedom in Tatters

Chris Yeung, Charles Tang, Au Ka-Iun et al.

Hong Kong: Hong Kong Journalists Association (2021), 45 pp.

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Meinungsfreiheit

welt-sichten, issue 2 (2020), pp. 12-31

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The Struggle for the Realisation of the Right to Freedom of Expression in Southern Africa

Avani Singh, Gayatri Khandhadai (eds.)

African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms Coalition (2020), 101 pp.

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Freedom to Write Index 2019

PEN America (2020), 38 pp.

External Link (111)

Media Landscapes with Religious and Ethnic Conflicts in Pakistan: The Case of Security Concerns for Journalists in Balochistan

Babrak Niaz, Malik Adnan, Sadaf Irtaza

Global Political Review, volume 5, issue 1 (2020), pp. 46-56

"This paper attempts to have insight into the media landscape of Balochistan and issues too. Balochistan is considered to be a conflict zone due to many religious and ethnic issues. The safety of journalists and media workers are a prime concern for journalistic bodies and government. The violence's ... more

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Media Landscape: Syria

Lorenzo Trombetta, Caterina Pinto

European Journalism Centre (2020)

"Apart from the geographical differences, another distinction has to be made between established media (pro-government) and emerging media (post 2011). The development of the media field is the product of the authoritarian pre 2011 context and the ongoing conflict, which has resulted so far in the d ... eath of hundreds of thousands of people and the displacement of an estimated 11 million Syrians. The popular uprising that broke up in March 2011, cracked down by the government and the subsequent escalation of violence by all the actors involved in the conflict, has led to a gradual descent into regional war, which has transformed the country - according to the New York-based organisation Reporters Without Borders - into one of the world’s most dangerous country for journalists, with extremely high risk of arrest, abduction or death. In fact, as the figures released by the Syrian Network for Human Rights state, 707 citizen journalists were killed in the country from March 2011 until April 2020 and 422 are still detained, mostly by the Syrian government. Nevertheless, there has been a true explosion of “independent media” after 2011, many of which, after reaching the peak in 2013, have since closed. The proliferation of media institutions has been quite chaotic and only recently people working in the field have become more aware of the importance of stronger institutionalisation. Also the Kurdish context has been affected by this break-with-the-past attitude. The repression and oppression by the government went further than in any other region: Kurdish language was banned until 2011 and any cultural expression of Kurdish identity was prohibited. With the autonomy self-proclaimed in 2016, for the first time in recent years a high number of local outlets in Kurdish were launched. The de facto neutrality of Rojava during clashes between the Syrian regime and the opposition forces has created a favourable environment for media institutions, with fewer restrictions than in the rest of Syria. However, local media are highly politicised and, being most of them affiliated with political parties, all too often biased. Political and sectarian fragmentation and polarisation in the different areas of Syria have an immediate effect on the structure of the media landscape, not only at a local, but also national level. Politics through its partisan and armed structures has a direct influence over media production. In government-held areas the Syrian media scene remains largely dominated by pro-government news sources. In this rapidly changing environment, though, the government has not remained behind. It has tried to update its media system, not by establishing new outlets, but by developing those already existing. Moreover, in recent years, especially local media (devoted for example to a specific city or region, or available only on Facebook) have gained relatively more independence. In such areas as Tartus, Latakia, Hama, local media running only on Facebook pages have managed to exert some kind of pressure on both local and central authorities and at this level, journalists have learnt whether and how to cross certain red lines. They have been able to denounce episodes of corruption in a frame of distorted governance dynamics, succeeding in circumventing censorship by not calling into question the status quo and not explicitly taking political stances.In opposition-held areas, the only real independent media are those funded by foreign INGOs, which for structural and economic reasons cannot invest as much and play the same role as the regional and local actors directly or indirectly involved in the conflict do. However, very local and grass-roots independent media initiatives in the years have proved resilient to openly denounce the socio-economic injustices of despotic local, central or foreign authorities. In Kurdish areas, the main division is between the PYD and its supporters on the one hand and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) - the largest party in Iraqi Kurdistan - and its affiliates on the other. A high number of journalists have reported being subjected to pressures on the side of the PYD and its supporters. Thanks to these connections with Kurdish parties, media outlets in Rojava have comparably more funds. It is the only area, for example, where TV stations have been established: Ronahi (linked to PYD) and Zagros TV (affiliated to KDP). It is not by coincidence that Ronahi newspaper has a circulation of 10,000 copies in Rojava, much more than what any independent media can afford." (Overview) more

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Media Landscape: Yemen

Laura Silvia Battaglia, Peter Wagner

European Journalism Centre (2020)

"[...] The media is dominated through the links between the media outlets and the political parties. Most local publishers suspended their print editions, while the English language press has completely disappeared. TV channels are also strictly controlled by parties, each side operates its own prog ... ram. Private satellites are only allowed to operate if they have close relations to the leading groups. The development of journalistic professionalism in Yemen has reached a minimum term. War destroyed any ambition. Journalists who are still working take part in a propaganda game, positioning themselves with or against the loyal government and paying consequently the price. Although detentions, violent actions, and torture were already present since the outbreak of the civil war, lately death sentences were prosecuted against the voices of the opposition. Besides the insecure political environment airstrikes, urban fights, and inhuman conditions endanger journalists while reporting. As the Yemeni press is under threat from all directions and journalists are unable to report or even defend their own colleagues without fear of retaliation. The targeted intimidation and the reportedly dead or missing journalists have also affected foreign journalists. The hostile circumstances have led to the closure of most of the newspapers, television channels, and news websites. The media market didn’t develop as expected after the Revolution in 2011, but rather transitioned to a weak phase, absolutely dominated by the links between the media and the political parties. This is totally clear in the printed media marked, followed by the broadcast TV market and website circulation where, with the presence of international and satellite channels and websites not based in the country, it is possible to have access to different and various views about what is happening inside and outside of Yemen. The control of the militias over journalists is strong and dangerous for them. So, the intervention of the two de facto States in the country (the official government of President Mansour Hadi and the Houthi government under the presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh) is invasive. The Yemeni press is under threat from all directions and journalists are unable to report or even defend their own colleagues without fear of retaliation. Considering also the deaths resulting from bombings by the Saudi-led coalition fighting the Houthis and the targeting of journalists by al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, this is the worst time ever in the history of the country in terms of cost of journalists’ lives." (Overview) more

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Track, Trace, Expel: Reporting on China Amid a Pandemic

Foreign Correspondents' Club of China (2020), 18 pp.

External Link (118)

Cambodian Communication Review 2020

Say Sok, Bun Y Ung (eds.)

Phnom Penh: Royal University of Phnom Penh, Department of Media & Communication, Cambodia Communication Institut (2020), 65 pp.

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Safety and self-censorship: Examining their linkage to social media use among Uganda journalists

Florence Namasinga Selnes

In: Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship

Ingrid Fadnes, Anna Grøndahl Larsen, Roy Krøvel (eds.)

London; New York: Routledge (2020), pp. 164-180

"This chapter’s point of departure lies in its focus on how journalists and media organizations navigate through unsafe environments and avoid self-censorship. The study specifically explores the connection between safety and self-censorship and journalist’s deployment of social media in the Uga ... more

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Google Scholar (129)

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Measuring Global Media Freedom: The Media Freedom Analyzer as a New Assessment Tool

Laura Schneider

Wiesbaden: Springer VS (2020), xv, 252 pp.

"The Media Freedom Analyzer developed by Laura Schneider is a new way to measure global media freedom in a more objective, unbiased and transparent way. Grounded in the opinions of around 1000 experts from 126 countries, the index is the first empirically validated tool to assess free and independen ... more

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Rationalizing the Gap: How Journalists in a Nondemocratic Regime Make Sense of Their Professional Work

Tatsiana Karaliova

International Journal of Communication, volume 14 (2020), pp. 4781-4802

"This article investigates how news professionals in a nondemocratic regime rationalize their institutional roles and daily reporting practices, negotiate boundaries of their work, and make sense of their professional activities. This study used qualitative interviewing to explore personal experienc ... more

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Chilling or cosy effects? Zimbabwean journalists’ experiences and the struggle for definition of self-censorship

Nhamo Anthony Mhiripiri

In: Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship

Ingrid Fadnes, Anna Grøndahl Larsen, Roy Krøvel (eds.)

London; New York: Routledge (2020), pp. 47-64

"The definition of censorship denotes direct or overt restriction on free expression or freedom of the media. The popular understanding of self-censorship involves a person’s involuntary self-silencing. A journalist’s wilful, personal, intentional self-censorship, at times motivated by selfish m ... more

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Will the Palestinian Press Survive Corona Virus? The Media in Light of Corona Crisis Difficulties and Challenges

Ramallah: Palestinian Center for Development and Media Freedoms (MADA) (2020), 33 pp.

"A quick review of the media status in Palestine indicates that the restrictions and general measures that accompanied the spread of the epidemic will lead to the suspension of many independent/private media outlets, as a result of the interruption of their main source of income, represented in the ... more

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From repression to oppression: News journalism in Turkey 2013–2018

Stefanie Pukallus, Lisa Bradley, Sarah Clarke, Jackie Harrison

Media, Culture & Society, volume 42, issue 7-8 (2020), pp. 1443-1460

"The political context for practicing free and independent journalism has always been challenging in Turkey and ever more so after the failed coup d’état of 2016. This article examines and analyzes the changes brought about by this failed coup d’état in terms of their civil, legal, and politic ... more

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A Roadmap to Protect Press Freedom During the Reconciliation Process

Afghan Journalists Safety Committee (AJSC) (2020), 8 pp.

"This paper is written for the purpose of creating a roadmap to support press freedom and freedom of expression in the Afghan reconciliation process. Afghan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) prepared the document in collaboration with Afghan media representatives. The sole purpose of the roadmap is ... more

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The Shrinking Space for Media Freedom in Southeast Europe in the Midst of COVID-19 Pandemic and State of Emergency

Rumena Filipova

Sofia: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) (2020), 50 pp.

External Link (141)

Google Scholar (113)

WorldCat (114)

Media Freedom in South Africa Today: Unravelling Multifarious Threats toward a Research and Advocacy Response

Julie Reid, Glenda. Daniels, Kate Skinner

Communicatio: South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research, volume 46, issue 3 (2020), pp. 1-19

"This article assesses the multiple factors which are barriers to media freedom in South Africa. These include crises of financial sustainability of the media sector which have recently been compounded by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic; widespread job losses in journalism; and harassment and phy ... more

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Impact of the 2015 Universal Periodic Review on Press Freedom in Nepal

Meenal Thakur

Free Press Unlimited (2020), 12 pp.

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5 Year Strategy 2020-2024

Leipzig: European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) (2020), 13 pp.

"This document sets out ECPMF’s strategic approach to tackle the existing and emerging challenges over the next five years. Starting in September 2019, the creation of this plan is the result of several stages of research, feedback from staff and board members as well as partners and beneficiaries ... more