"Drawing on relevant literature, analysis of North Korean media and information control techniques, and interviews with refugees and defectors, this report argues that a new US information strategy is needed to alleviate the social isolation of the North Korean people and improve their long-term wel
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fare." (About the report)
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"How is society being reshaped by the continued diffusion and increasing centrality of the Internet in everyday life and work? Society and the Internet provides key readings for students, scholars, and anyone with a serious interest in understanding the interactions of the Internet and society. Spaw
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ned from a series of lectures at the University of Oxford, this multidisciplinary set of theoretically and empirically anchored chapters address the big questions about perhaps the most significant technological transformation of the 21st century. The authors employ a diversity of data, methods, and approaches to address these questions in creative ways. Internet research needs to keep learning from the past, ground itself in a diversity of disciplinary perspectives, and continue to look to the future. In doing so, Internet Studies can address core questions about equality, voice, knowledge, participation, and power; and provide a better understanding of what the ever-changing configurations of technology and society mean not only for everyday life, but also for major developments in the politics, economic, and cultural development of societies across the world. Understanding the role of the Internet in society is critical to addressing the major issues of policy and practice, from the nature of democracy and freedom of expression to how we learn, work and play in everyday life." (Publisher description)
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"The more undemocratic the system of government, the more likely it is that the Internet will be shut down. To prove this, the authors refer to the annual Democracy Index of the British consulting firm Economist Intelligence Unit of the news magazine of the same name. According to the index, 17 of t
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he 22 states with Internet blocking are classified as "authoritarian". In the states classified as democratic or partially democratic, the governments have refrained from restricting Internet access. According to the study, the longevity in power also plays an important role: Eleven of the 14 African heads of state who have been in power for 13 years or more have at least temporarily switched off the Internet in recent years. These figures aren't really surprising: it's obvious that despots don't fit into the crap of hard-to-control communication platforms on the Internet. According to the study, not only civil society, but also the economy suffers from the Internet barriers: local and national telecommunications providers in the affected countries have made direct losses; in addition, the barriers have frightened off potential investors in the long term." (www.welt-sichten.org, April 9, 2019)
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"Since President John Magufuli took office in November 2015, the state has applied a raft of repressive laws restricting the rights of opposition politicians, human rights defenders, activists, researchers, journalists, bloggers and other online users. Cumulatively, the application of these laws has
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had a chilling effect on the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, with people’s censoring actions perceived as critical of government for fear of prosecution or other reprisals [...] Restrictions on media freedom have also intensified under the 2016 Media Services Act which enhances censorship, violates the right to information and limits scrutiny of government policies and programmes. Between 2016 and the time of writing this report, the Tanzania government has used the Media Service Act to close, fine and suspend at least six media outlets for publishing reports on allegations of corruption and human rights violations and the state of Tanzania’s economy. Since 2018, Tanzania’s government has also brought in sweeping powers to police the internet. The Electronic Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations enacted in March 2018 broadly restricts online content, requires bloggers to register and permit surveillance of cybercafés without judicial oversight. Together with the 2015 Cybercrimes Act, which criminalizes publication of “false” information, these laws undermine privacy of internet users and stifle freedom of expression. While it is too early to know how these new, restrictive laws will be applied and enforced, people are increasingly afraid of freely expressing themselves online." (Executive summary)
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"The present report traces the development from the first bans on content in 2012 to the present day. It shows how critical editorial teams are put under pressure and how the authorities attempt to silence individual journalists and bloggers. It provides information about new online media that repor
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t on societal ills against all odds, and it raises the question about the relevance of international platforms for the freedom of expression in Russia. This report is based on about 30 interviews with journalists and activists, lawyers and human rights defenders conducted by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Germany press officer Ulrike Gruska and RSF Germany board member Gemma Pörzgen in Moscow and Berlin." (Preface)
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"Over the past seven years, the Russian government has employed various methods from censorship and surveillance to the intimidation of internet companies to tighten its control over the internet. The Kremlin undoubtedly considers the costs of control insignificant compared to the costs of political
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instability – even if this means slowing down the pace of innovation in Russia’s digital economy. Close cooperation with China increases its technical capabilities to restrict the freedom of internet. But just how much control the Kremlin is willing to relinquish to Chinese companies in order to better control Russian society will remain the key question for the years to come." (Conclusion)
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"The study has found that African countries have broadened the range of measures that govern the use of digital communications including the internet. The implementation of oppressive laws and regulations is on the rise in the countries under review. It is evident that countries are using legislatio
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n to legitimise practices which are otherwise unlawful to impose restrictions and internet controls. While laws in place are touted as necessary towards fighting cybercrime or enhancing cybersecurity in the countries, they are largely directed towards stemming opposition, clamping down on criticism and quelling local dissent. Increasingly, the countries reviewed appear to adopt a similar pattern of measures across the board, which have been increasing gradually since 1999, as the use of the internet continues to rise. The key reasons given by governments are the need to safeguard national security and maintain public order." (Conclusion, page 43)
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"Social media allow ordinary people, civic groups, and journalists to reach a vast audience at little or no cost, but they have also provided an extremely useful and inexpensive platform for malign influence operations by foreign and domestic actors alike. Political leaders employed individuals to s
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urreptitiously shape online opinions in 38 of the 65 countries covered in this report—a new high. In many countries, the rise of populism and far-right extremism has coincided with the growth of hyperpartisan online mobs that include both authentic users and fraudulent or automated accounts. They build large audiences around similar interests, lace their political messaging with false or inflammatory content, and coordinate its dissemination across multiple platforms. Cross-border influence operations, which first drew widespread attention as a result of Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential contest, are also an increasingly common problem. Authorities in China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and a growing list of other countries have expanded their efforts to manipulate the online environment and influence foreign political outcomes over the past year." (Page 1)
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"Featuring a wealth of interviews with a variety of actors – from Chinese and African journalists in Chinese media to Chinese workers for major telecommunication companies – this highly original book demonstrates how China is both contributing to the 'Africa rising' narrative while exploiting th
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e weaknesses of Western approaches to Africa, which remain trapped between an emphasis on stability and service delivery, on the one hand, and the desire to advocate human rights and freedom of expression on the other. Arguing no state can be understood without attention to its information structure, the book provides the first assessment of China’s new model for the media strategies of developing states, and the consequences of policing Africa’s information space for geopolitics, security and citizenship." (Publisher description)
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"Key findings: Declines outnumber gains for the eighth consecutive year. Out of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net, 26 experienced a deterioration in internet freedom. Almost half of all declines were related to elections; China trains the world in digital authoritarianism: Chinese offi
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cials held trainings and seminars on new media or information management with representatives from 36 out of the 65 countries assessed by Freedom on the Net; Internet freedom declined in the United States; Citing fake news, governments curbed online dissent: At least 17 countries approved or proposed laws that would restrict online media in the name of fighting “fake news” and online manipulation; Authorities demand control over personal data: Governments in 18 countries increased surveillance, often eschewing independent oversight and weakening encryption in order to gain unfettered access to data." (Freedom House website)
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"While the State has been justifying network shutdowns as matters of “national interests”, it is interesting to note that the effect has been the total opposite. Interviewees in Kashmir and Darjeeling have stated that their mistrust in the Indian government has grown due to these actions. These
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sentiments must be taken seriously and addressed if the authorities’ intentions are truly to protect the autonomy of the country. Network shutdowns cannot be the knee-jerk reaction of administrations at the slightest sign of social unrest. The potential of social media and the Internet instead needs to be harnessed to address these problems. The State should define “national interest” in lucid terms so citizens and law enforcement officials are on the same page. There should be mechanisms in place to hold the State accountable when these definitions are crossed. Shutdowns exclude entire communities from fully participating in social, political, and economic self-determination. This has been especially true during the prolonged shutdown in Darjeeling in West Bengal. The shutdown left residents feeling even more isolated and excluded from the mainstream. Every step they take towards self-determination has been made more difficult, tedious, and expensive." (Conclusion, page 42)
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"The toolkit encompasses a broad variety of issues, which should be considered by judicial actors in the course of their work to protect human rights. It covers legal standards of freedom of expression according to international and regional instruments and core texts and surveys pertinent jurisprud
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ence on freedom of expression from regional and sub-regional courts or quasi-judicial bodies that deal with human rights issues. The toolkit explicates conditions under which speech can be legitimately restricted, while also giving prominence to the safety of journalists and the issue of impunity, the latter representing one of the main obstacles to guaranteeing freedom of expression and freedom of information. Finally, the toolkit also addresses recent challenges to freedom of expression on the internet, including on social media, which have become vital means for sharing information and expressing views. The question of gender representation in media content and careers, and gender-specific threats for women journalists, are also addressed." (Foreword, page 10)
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"The first part of the report provides a general introduction to the definition of digital rights and what they entail, and surveys key UN resolutions that recognise the impact of the internet on human rights. The second part of the report examines the accessibility of the internet by Palestinians a
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s a basic human right, taking into consideration their geographical, judicial and administrative fragmentation and how this affects their access to the internet and information and communications technologies (ICTs). The third part maps the recent restrictions and violations of Palestinians’ digital rights by three governments: the Israeli government, the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and the de-facto Hamas administration in the Gaza Strip. It also looks into practices and policies of private tech companies and their impact on Palestinian digital rights. The fourth part pays special attention to the issue of gender and the internet, examining in particular Palestinian women's use of the internet and the threats of cybercrime and gender-based violence online." (Introduction)
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"In both authoritarian and democratic contexts, new forms of censorship online are carried out through distributed attacks on freedom of expression that are insidiously difficult to detect, and often just as effective, if not more, than the kinds of brute force techniques by state agents that came b
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efore. Their goal is not always to block users, content or themes, but to attack the democratic discourse, weaken trust in institutions like the media, other governments, the opposition, and civil society. These strategies increasingly polarize and diminish the networked public sphere, resulting in a more dangerous and confined space for media and civil society to operate." (Key findings)
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"Han reveals how the state, service providers, and netizens negotiate the limits of discourse, interrogating our assumptions about authoritarian resilience and the internet's democratizing power." (Publisher description)
"Digital Middle East sheds a critical light on continuing changes that are closely intertwined with the adoption of information and communication technologies in the MENA region. Drawing on case studies from throughout the Middle East, the contributors explore how these digital transformations are p
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laying out in the social, cultural, political, and economic spheres, exposing the various disjunctions and discordances that have marked the advent of the digital Middle East." (Publisher description)
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