"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Morocco, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in development wo
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rk, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication. It should be noted that with the constantly changing nature of the media landscape, this is not a comprehensive overview of all media outlets and platforms but rather a snapshot summary of those most relevant at the time of writing." (Introduction)
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"This briefing document provides an overview of key developments in digital authoritarianism in 11 countries and explains the theoretical framework and methodology behind The Unfreedom Monitor project. The document also provides a basis for expanding this research to other countries to deepen our un
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derstanding of digital authoritarianism globally, as well as its crucial implications for the future. The preliminary sample of 11 countries was chosen to reflect a range of factors: system of government, approach to human rights (including rankings in indexes), and corporate relations. The countries are: Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt, India, Morocco, Myanmar, Russia, Sudan, Tanzania, Turkey, and Zimbabwe." (Publisher description)
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"The MDP has sought throughout the reporting period to assist in the implementation of Morocco’s new legal framework, while also supporting compliance to international standards. Actions build on previous work such as an agreement signed with the Ministry for the Reform of Public Administration in
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October 2017, through which an action plan was developed. The implementation of the ATI law was notably supported under the MDP between 2018 and 2021 through the training of Public Information Officers and the production of pedagogical tools, with the support from the highest levels of government. This resulted in the creation of a first cohort public information officers, who graduated in July 2019. In the aftermath of this activity, the Prime Minister of Morocco pledged his support to mainstream ATI within the government and to promote transparency and accountability. UNESCO also held advocacy meetings together with The Ministry of Economy and Finance and other institutions, and in particular with the Ministry of Interior that governs all civil servants at the regional and municipal levels to ensure the proper implementation of the ATI law. Support was likewise granted towards the alignment of Morocco’s media-related laws with international standards, including the law on audio-visual communication and the Penal Code. This was notably done in 2019 through workshops targeting CSOs and parliamentarians from the Commission on Media, Culture and Education. It was thus identified that members of the parliament had limited knowledge on international standards pertaining to freedom of expression and access to information. Engagement with MPs was cut short by the COVID-19 pandemic and by legislative elections held in late 2021. Rebuilding engagement with incoming MPs in coming years will therefore be necessary to maintain interest in this initiative." (Page 2)
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"Journalists and independent press are tried and prosecuted with harsh charges that reach up to 20 years of imprisonment under the Penal Code, rather than the Press Code of 2016, which abolished imprisonment for criticising the monarch. The government closely monitors and controls media content thro
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ugh subsidies (fisking), advertising allocation, and rigorous regulation and licensing procedures. Opposition journalists have been jailed on dubious allegations, and been subjected to systematic slander and smear campaigns on social media platforms by pro-monarch media outlets that are largely dominated by the regime or echo the Moroccan authorities’ official line. These campaigns have largely centred on tarnishing the reputation and image of activists, reducing solidarity with their cause, and undermining their credibility in Moroccan society, resulting in self-censorship. In this stifling and threatening atmosphere, several journalists have opted for self-exile. Authorities regularly promise new reforms and democratic developments, yet they respond to protests with crackdowns, including by restricting access to information and critical tools, imposing internet shutdowns and throttling bandwidth during popular demonstrations which was the case for Hirak Al Rif movement." (Executive summary)
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"The Moroccan elections of September 2021 were unusual for various reasons. As electoral campaigning took place under pandemic circumstances, social media played a role previously unseen and contributed significantly to the unexpected victory of the National Rally of Independents (RNI), a liberal pa
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rty, against the Justice and Development Party (PJD), an Islamist party. The use of social media for campaigning purposes is not a completely new phenomenon in Morocco, given its prominent use by numerous social movements in the past. However, social media became a game-changer during the last elections. Considering the COVID-19 measures imposed, political parties shifted much of their campaigning online. Today, online spaces are no longer exclusively used by grassroots activists but have become increasingly popular among Moroccan political parties. While political parties converged in resorting to online spaces to compensate for the restrictions on offline campaigns, they diverged in their approaches; additionally, not all parties have the same financial capacity to exploit the full potential of social media. The huge disproportion in resources invested in online platforms was a main contributor to the victory of the RNI and the unexpected electoral wipeout of the PJD." (Abstract)
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"Global Sceptical Publics is the first major study of the significance of different media for the (re)production of non-religious publics and publicity. While much work has documented how religious subjectivities are shaped by media, until now the crucial role of diverse media for producing and part
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icipating in religion-sceptical publics and debates has remained under-researched. With some chapters focusing on locations hitherto barely considered by scholarship on non-religion, the book places in comparative perspective how atheists, secularists and humanists engage with media – as means of communication and forming non-religious publics, but also on occasion as something to be resisted. Its conceptually rich interdisciplinary chapters thereby contribute important new insights to the growing field of non-religion studies and to scholarship on media and materiality more generally." (uclpress.co.uk)
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"This report provides an in-depth overview of the current state and trends of data protection regulation of seven North African countries – namely Algeria, Egypt, Mauritania, Morocco, Libya, Sudan, and Tunisia. The st udy tackles regulatory approaches, key principles, and selected instruments. Fro
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m the outset, the analysis was limited to a textual analysis of the respective data protection laws, including constitutional law (i.e., the “law in the books”). In detail, the study engages with the development and status of regional and sub-regional data protection frameworks in Africa. Political as well as international influences on the development (or the lack of) of data protection laws in North Africa were considered. In addition, for countries with a comprehensive data protection laws (i.e. Algeria, Egypt, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia), the comparative assessment also looked into the scope of alignment and of divergence with the EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR)." (Back cover)
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"[...] le "Guide" est une modeste contribution pour lutter contre les fausses informations. Qu'est-ce qu'une fake news? Que cache une manipulation de l'information ? Comment la détecter et avec quels outils ? Ce sont -là quelques-unes des questions auxquelles répond ce guide, qui invite le lecteu
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r à un voyage dans la chaîne de fabrication des fausses nouvelles et rappelle le cadre légal adopté par le Maroc pour lutter contre les fake news. Si le fact-checking n'est pas le remède miracle contre les fausses informations, les rumeurs, les manipulations et autres théories du complot, il demeure la méthode la plus efficace pour s'assurer de la véracité d'une information lorsqu'elle devient virale. Dans ce sens, ce guide propose des check-lists pour apprendre à déconstruire une fake news. Un petit dictionnaire de la désinformation est également proposé pour mieux appréhender cet univers du faux. Ce guide est enfin une participation pour mieux outiller le citoyen connecté ou pas à débusquer la fausse information, à détecter le vrai du faux et à adopter les gestes barrières devant une fake news." (Introduction, page 7)
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"This report examines eight cases of police and/or judicial harassment targeting known Moroccan dissidents, and two cases targeting independent media institutions. The report examines in detail 12 cases tried by Morocco courts." (Methodology)
"Depuis le début du siècle courant, le Maroc a entrepris une série de stratégies centrées sur les technologies numériques. Il en a fait un choix politique délibéré et de premier ordre. La logique sous-jacente à l’ensemble de ces stratégies consistait à faire du numérique un outil de d
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éveloppement économique et social. Et l’ambition qui présidait était de faire de la transformation numérique la clef de voute de la transformation de l’économie, de l’administration, du territoire et de la société. Après presque deux décennies, et malgré les quelques avancées quantitatives réalisées ici ou là, les stratégies mises en oeuvre ont débouché sur un bilan mitigé. La montée en puissance demeure toujours un voeu pieux, faute d’une vision claire, de niveaux de pilotage cohérents et de mécanismes d’évaluation et de gouvernance probants." (Dos de couverture)
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"This volume provides a comparative analysis of media systems in the Arab world, based on criteria informed by the historical, political, social, and economic factors influencing a country's media. Reaching beyond classical western media system typologies, Arab Media Systems brings together contribu
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tions from experts in the field of media in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) to provide valuable insights into the heterogeneity of this region's media systems. It focuses on trends in government stances towards media, media ownership models, technological innovation, and the role of transnational mobility in shaping media structure and practices. Each chapter in the volume traces a specific country's media - from Lebanon to Morocco - and assesses its media system in terms of historical roots, political and legal frameworks, media economy and ownership patterns, technology and infrastructure, and social factors (including diversity and equality in gender, age, ethnicities, religions, and languages)." (Publisher description)
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"This Handbook provides the first comprehensive reference book in English about the development of mass and social media in all Arab countries. Capturing the historical as well as current developments in the media scene, this collection maps the role of media in social and political movements. Contr
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ibutors include specialists in the field from North America, Europe, and the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the history, regulatory frameworks and laws governing the press, and socio-political functions of the media. While the geopolitical complexities of the region have been reflected in the expert analyses collectively, the focus is always the local context of each member state. All 37 chapters consider the specific historical, political and media trajectories in each country, to provide a contextual background and foundation for further study about single states or comparative analysis in two or more Arab states." (Publisher description)
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"The key statistical findings for the region are that electrical and electronic equipment (EEE) placed on the market (POM) increased by 30 per cent from 3.2 megatons (Mt), or 8.8 kilograms per inhabitant (kg/inh), in 2010 to 4.1 Mt (or 9.5 kg/inh) in 2019. The Arab States mostly import, rather than
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manufacture, EEE; the domestic generation of EEE is therefore very limited, and they rely on imports of EEE POM. Over the same period of time, e waste generation in the region increased by 61 per cent from 1.8 Mt (4.9 kg/inh) in 2010 to 2.8 Mt (6.6 kg/inh) in 2019. The largest e-waste generator is Saudi Arabia, with 595 kilotons (kt) (or 13.2 kg/inh) of e-waste, while the lowest is Comoros (0.6 kt, or 0.7 kg/inh), which reflects the vast diversity of the region. The e-waste generated encompasses a variety of products, with small equipment (category 5 in EU Directive 2012/19/EU, on waste electrical and electronic equipment, also known as the WEEE Directive), temperature exchange equipment (category 1) and large equipment (category 4) comprising the highest share of e-waste generated, for a total of 76 per cent. The annual growth rate is positive for all categories of e-waste, with the exception of screens and monitors (category 2), which shows negative growth rates. Nevertheless, a declining trend has been observed, meaning that the pace of growth has slowed over time for most products. From the information gathered, the Arab States appear to have collected and managed a total of 2.2 kt (0.01 kg/inh) of e-waste in 2019, which equates to a collection rate of 0.1 per cent, compared to e-waste generated. However, it is worth highlighting that data on e-waste collection and on environmentally sound management (ESM) was available for only four Arab States. E-waste collection for ESM takes place in Jordan, the State of Palestine(1), Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Jordan has the highest e-waste collection rate of 2.6 per cent (equivalent to 0.1 kg/inh), followed by Qatar (0.5 per cent, or 0.07 kg/inh). Egypt has seven licensed treatment facilities for e-waste, but it was unable to provide official data on the amount of e-waste collected and managed." (Executive summary, pages 11-12)
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"This edited volume presents ground-breaking empirical research on the media in political transition in Tunisia, Turkey and Morocco. Focusing on developments in the wake of the region’s upheavals in 2011, it offers a new theoretical framework for understanding mediascapes in the confessional and h
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ybrid-authoritarian systems of the Middle East. In this book, media scholars focus on three themes: the media’s structure as an expression of governance, the media’s function as a reflection of the market, and the media’s agency in communicating between power and the public. The result is a unique addition to the literature on two counts. Firstly, analysis of similar players, issues and processes in each country produces a thematically consistent comparative assessment of the media’s role across the southern Mediterranean region. The first cross-country comparison of specific media practices in the Middle East, it covers issues such as women in talk shows, media’s relationship with surveillance, and comparative practices of media regulation. Secondly, actualising the idea that media reflects the society that produces it, the studies here draw on field data to lay the foundations for a new theory of media, Values and Status Negotiation (VSN), which evolved from the region’s unique characteristics and practices, and offers an alternative to prevailing Western-centric approaches to media analysis." (Publisher description)
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