"In June 2020, MDIF conducted a survey of 36 Myanmar media outlets to gather information about the impact of COVID-19 on their businesses between March and May. They represent a mix of national media, as well as local media from the ethnic states and regions. Their operations are of various sizes: t
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hree media have 70-150 staff, 7 have 20-69, and 26 have 1-19. All the media surveyed felt the impact of COVID-19 almost immediately. Not surprisingly, as this has generally been the experience of media worldwide, commercial revenue decline was often dramatic: half of the survey respondents reported more than a 75% drop in income. Thirty-two of the 36 respondents had advertising revenue prior to the start of the pandemic, and all of them reported that it was negatively affected. All 19 media with print products were obliged to either reduce or even halt production. In response to collapsing revenues, 31 of the 36 survey respondents instituted spending cuts between March and May including, in some cases, cutting salaries and staff. Even as they reeled from the economic impact, Myanmar media also had to adapt their working environments. All the media surveyed quickly instituted work from home practices or else established social distancing in their offices and provided protective equipment for their staff. At the same time, more than half of the media reported having to contend with safety and security challenges. These came in the form of restrictions on movement, websites being blocked, on and offline surveillance, staff harassment and arrests. In common with media in other countries, one bright spot in this bleak picture has been audience growth. MDIF’s survey found that almost all media saw both their digital audiences, and audience engagement, increase. This had a positive knock-on effect for the media, with 30 respondents reporting that during this period they were able to strengthen their digital skills and knowledge due to the increased focus on their online content. The good news that 21 of the 31 respondents that sought emergency funding during the survey period obtained it, is tempered by the reality that the impact of COVID-19 has been deep and will be long lasting. The future for media in Myanmar is precarious." (Introduction)
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"One year into the premiership of Gen Prayut Chan-O-Cha, Thailand’s elected government is showing no signs of loosening its grip on freedom of expression online. Rather than breaking with the established pattern of criminalizing content critical of the authorities, the government is continuing to
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prosecute people simply for peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression online and harassing and intimidating online users. Since the elections of March 2019, the authorities have continued to file criminal charges against individuals who find fault with their performance—whether they criticize the police, the military or the Election Commission of Thailand. People scrutinizing the activities of these government bodies and calling for justice are facing years in prison and huge fines. In many cases the government has targeted well-known figures with criminal charges to send a message to other online users that it will brook no dissent. This strategy aims to create a climate of fear in order to suppress the posting and sharing of content deemed “false information” about the performance of the government. One activist told Amnesty International: “That’s part of their strategy—we call it ‘lawfare,’ and it works. It works really well.” Following the outbreak of COVID-19, Gen Prayut Chan-O-Cha’s decision to declare a state of emergency in March 2020 marked a dramatic increase in the Thai government’s restrictions on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Authorities wasted no time in invoking the Emergency Decree on Public Administration in Emergency Situation (2005) – empowering public officials both to censor communications related to COVID-19 that are “false” or might instigate fear among the public. In a 24 March 2020 press conference, Prime Minister Prayut warned of prosecutions for “abuse of social media,” deepening concerns that authorities may file lawsuits against individuals for criticizing the Thai government’s response to the virus." (Executive summary)
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"The Myanmar authorities should immediately lift curbs on the free flow of information to at-risk communities; ensure journalists, human rights defenders and activists can operate freely and without any harassment, intimidation, arrest, prosecution and imprisonment; and encourage rather than threate
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n to punish people who criticize, openly discuss, or attempt to raise awareness about the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. As Myanmar grapples with the outbreak, the authorities have blocked independent media websites; continued to intimidate, arrest and prosecute journalists, human rights defenders, activists and artists; and kept in place a sweeping internet shutdown in two of Myanmar’s poorest states. These measures indicate harsher censorship at a time when access to information could literally be the difference between life and death. When states’ responses to COVID-19 are paired with restrictions on information and a lack of transparency and censorship, they risk undermining the right to seek, receive and impart information on many important matters, including health and humanitarian issues." (Page 1)
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"This collection charts the emergence of modern science communication across the world. This is the first volume to map investment around the globe in science centres, university courses and research, publications and conferences as well as tell the national stories of science communication. How did
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it all begin? How has development varied from one country to another? What motivated governments, institutions and people to see science communication as an answer to questions of the social place of science? Communicating Science describes the pathways followed by 39 different countries. All continents and many cultures are represented. For some countries, this is the first time that their science communication story has been told." (Publisher description)
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"Online spaces are being systematically weaponised to exclude women leaders and to undermine the role of women in public life. Attacks on women which use hateful language, rumour and gendered stereotypes combine personal attacks with political motivations, making online spaces dangerous places for w
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omen to speak out. And left unchecked, this phenomenon of gendered disinformation, spread by state and non-state actors, poses a serious threat to women’s equal political participation. In this research, we investigated state-aligned gendered disinformation in two countries, Poland and the Philippines, through an analysis of Twitter data. We analysed tweets in Polish and, from the Philippines, in English." (Executive summary)
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"Our inclusion survey, conducted with 35 private media outlets operating in Yangon and in seven ethnic states and five regions, provides up-to-date inclusion and gender data about the sector. Among the findings: while many women work in media (they represent 33% of the combined staff of the 35 outle
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ts surveyed), they are underrepresented in key roles, including senior leadership and frontline journalistic jobs. Medium-sized ethnic media outlets employ the largest percentage of women, followed by small-sized national media. Small and medium-sized media in Myanmar’s regions employ the smallest percentage of women. The percentage of women employed generally decreases as the roles increase in seniority. In terms of remuneration: outlets led by men generally pay men more than women, whereas outlets with mixed - men, women and/or non-binary - leadership tend to have more gender-balanced salaries. The primary justification offered for higher pay levels for men is that men often have more experience than their women or non-binary counterparts. The survey also confirms that levels of diversity among staff with regards to disability, LGBT+, ethnicity, religious belief, and age vary widely among media outlets. Survey respondents noted a total of 10 non-binary staff members (1% of the total); one outlet in the ethnic states is co-led by a man and a non-binary person. The survey finds, too, that most outlets do not have inclusion policies or plans."
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"This SSHAP Case Study illustrates how the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) worked in 2006-07 to support the Indonesian government in response to avian influenza outbreaks. The agency provided social mobilisation and education programmes to schools and villages in affected communities and p
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rovided media relations support and training for Indonesian journalists. Learning from this case study can be used by public health officials and response workers to further their understanding on how to coordinate interactions with affected communities during similar events." (Page 1)
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"On 21 April 2020, Facebook announced a major shift in its content moderation policy in Viet Nam. Under this policy, it has increasingly complied with the Vietnamese authorities’ repressive censorship of online expression deemed critical of the state.3 Facebook has disclosed that it agreed to “s
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ignificantly increase” compliance with requests from the Vietnamese government to censor “anti-state” content in Viet Nam after concerted pressure from the Vietnamese authorities, including an enforced slowdown of Facebook services within the country. The Vietnamese government routinely deems peaceful and legitimate criticism of the government or information related to human rights abuses as “anti-state”, even though this type of expression is protected under international laws and standards. The decision by Facebook may have far-reaching global consequences, as other repressive governments around the world may now seek to apply a similar strategy by forcing Facebook and other technology companies to restrict online expression. As one industry observer noted: “How Google and Facebook deal with Viet Nam could offer clues to how they will protect user privacy and handle calls for censorship in other authoritarian regimes around the world.” Facebook’s decision has marked a sea change in the social media landscape in Viet Nam. Once the great hope for the expansion of freedom of expression in the country, social media platforms are fast becoming human rights–free zones, where any peaceful dissent or criticism of the Vietnamese government is liable to be censored and where users seeking to post such content face the risk of being suspended or otherwise barred from the platforms." (Executive summary)
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"The study examines content produced and distributed to ethnic minorities in Mon, Kayin and Kayah and looks into the news and media habits and understandings of the same groups. It consists of two different research efforts: a content analysis and a qualitative audience study. The content analysis f
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ound that media targeted at ethnic minorities - here represented by three ELTV contributors: Mon News Agency (MNA), Karen Information Center (KIC) and Kanthayawaddy Times - consistently involve their target groups in news coverage compared to national averages. Representatives from ethnic minorities were used as sources in eight out 15 stories analyzed. Yet, ethnic minorities are often portrayed as victims and therefore rarely framed from an empowered position. Furthermore, the audience study showed that some minorities felt less represented by the media than others, resulting in limited trust in the media." (Executive summary)
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"Facebook is “best” source of information for elections, but television is still most trusted Among irst time youth voters, 83% of survey respondents cited Facebook as the best channel to receive elections information. In Myanmar, Facebook and the Internet are virtually interchangeable. Key Info
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rmant Interviews (KII) and Focused Group Discussions (FGD) confirmed that information flows fluidly among Facebook users, who receive and share information in their respective common interest groups on Facebook, highlighting the important role of informal social media networks, which function as information sharing mechanisms. A few qualifying facts add more nuance to this finding: 1) the online survey was distributed through Facebook, which selfselects Facebook users; 2) the emergence of COVID-19 has increased Facebook use and the number of Facebook users; 3) respondents and interviewees were well aware of disinformation common to the platform, diluting their trust in information received via social media [...] Traditional media still plays a central role in inclusive voter education/elections outreach. While social media use is now widespread, survey respondents and interviewees still cited television, print and radio as main sources of information. 49% of respondents still regularly read the newspaper, 65% still watch TV, and 36% still listen to the radio. Moreover, insights from interviews and FGDs show that voters in Rakhine, Chin and Shan, affected by Internet outages, those in rural areas with limited access to Internet and digital communications infrastructure, and internally displaced persons may be excluded from information distributed solely on social media. Though traditional media is essential to inclusive quality information, this sector, especially those at the local and regional level, is struggling to survive financially ..." (Summary of key findings)
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"The Initiative for Media Freedom (IMF) is a five-year program implemented by Internews and funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) with the support of the American people. Internews and its partners work collaboratively to enhance democratic governance that provides
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economic, political, and social inclusion and advances social stability. Objective One: Improve the environment for a free press; Objective Two: Bolster capacity of media and other organizations to address disinformation; Objective Three: Strengthen self-regulation of the media." (Page 2)
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"Global news on anthropogenic climate change is shaped by international politics, scientific reports and voices from transnational protest movements. This timely volume asks how local communities engage with these transnational discourses. The chapters in this volume present a range of compelling ca
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se studies drawn from a broad cross-section of local communities around the world, reflecting diverse cultural and geographical contexts. From Greenland to northern Tanzania, it illuminates how different understandings evolve in diverse cultural and geographical contexts while also revealing some common patterns of how people make sense of climate change. Global Warming in Local Discourses constitutes a significant, new contribution to understanding the multi-perspectivity of our debates on climate change, further highlighting the need for interdisciplinary study within this area." (Publisher description)
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"The world is facing an unprecedented climate and environmental emergency. Scientists have identified human activity as primarily responsible for the climate crisis, which together with rampant environmental pollution, and the unbridled activities of the extractive and agricultural industries, pose
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a direct threat to the sustainability of life on this planet. This edition of Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) seeks to understand the constructive role that technology can play in confronting the crises. It disrupts the normative understanding of technology being an easy panacea to the planet’s environmental challenges and suggests that a nuanced and contextual use of technology is necessary for real sustainability to be achieved. A series of thematic reports frame different aspects of the relationship between digital technology and environmental sustainability from a human rights and social justice perspective, while 46 country and regional reports explore the diverse frontiers where technology meets the needs of both the environment and communities and where technology itself becomes a challenge to a sustainable future." (Back cover)
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"In this research, we found that:
1. The media tend to play safe during the 2019 presidential election. When addressing certain issues, the media rarely provided their own in-depth analysis based on certain values. They let the public decide by itself by bring debates and use comments from prominent
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figures or expert to avoid a certain stance on their coverage. In this regard, online media tend to provide superficial coverage, while printed media offer more in-depth coverage.
2. The media fully aware of the threat of hoax and tend to be cautious in dealing with sensitive issues related to religious intolerance. This happens because there is a growing concern among the media regarding the impact of irresponsible and inaccurate news coverage which they believe might potentially harmful to democracy and society in general.
3. Thus, in response to the hoax, the media has been actively contributing and participating in the fact-checking process by applying certain fact-checking mechanism in their own media organization. Despite the massive spread of hoax, this mechanism helps the public find the truth while proving that the media is still reliable as a credible source of information.
4. Media referred to their fundamental value when carrying out work/coverage. However, the degree of importance of value and its application on their work varied among the media. This strategy applied as a means of survival in a competitive media market in order to protect media stance both politically as well as their economic interest." (Conclusion, page 45)
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"The situation of freedom of expression online in Indonesia affirms that Indonesia is shifting further from human rights and democracy. This is not much different from the situation in other countries in Southeast Asia which seem to be competing to be the worst in human rights and democracy. The shr
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inking space for democracy for civil society has the potential to make conditions worse because the state is difficult to be monitored and be reminded in protecting human rights, especially freedom of expression. Indonesia actually has quite a number of regulations that protect freedom of expression online or offline from laws to the constitution. However, there are still laws that restrict freedom of expression online, such as the Criminal Code, the ITE Law, the State Flag and Symbol Law and the Pornography Law. There is also a threat in the future if the Criminal Code Bill is passed because not only it will maintain articles that are often used to criminalise freedom of expression but it will also revive articles that have been revoked by the Constitutional Court. Apart from the legal substance that limits freedom of expression online, there are also problems in the application of the law. The application of treason and the ITE Law against Papuan activists and the application hate speech against human rights activists are some examples. The article on hate speech, which should be a tool to protect minority and vulnerable groups, is instead used to attack activists because law enforcement officials interpret all kinds of criticism or dislike as hate speech. Attacks on freedom of expression in Indonesia are increasingly diverse. Initially, attacks on freedom of expression online were generally related to slander, defamation and blasphemy but now it has expanded to treason articles, hate speech and spreading fake news. It is made worse by the presence of doxing, buzzing, bullying, hacking, blocking and shutting down the internet in a certain area." (Summary and conclusion, page 25-26)
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"It may be observed that, first, at the level of public perception, government actions to restrict free speech are often preceded by statements criticizing the media and foreshadowing a penalty or sanction, which are actually directed to the public and not the media, as if to prime the latter on the
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acceptability of the planned restrictions. The president and his personnel routinely come up with fresh allegations, repeated over time, to discredit journalists and the media, which, in a social media environment crowded with ‘trolls’ and which is at the mercy of algorithms, may be deeply reinforced by echo chambers and confirmation bias. Second, to justify the implementation of legal restrictions, law personnel take a very liberal interpretation of laws, which just straggles the line between what is allowable and what is not (the idea of “continuing publication”; vagueness in the terms “public interest,” “spreading panic or fear,” etc.) thereby allowing the interpretation a degree of legitimacy, since it not entirely wrong and is subjective. Third, freedom of expression is not the only battlefront, so to speak, as evinced by government’s reexaminations of corporate registrations, licenses, permits, and franchises of media entities. At their core, media entities are corporations and journalists are mostly employees (if not contributors) and in that context, there is space for government agencies to nitpick on documents submitted to their offices as part of regulatory compliance, and prepare in advance legal arguments based on records under their custody." (Summary and conclusion, page 40)
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