"This report presents a final evaluation of EngageMedia’s project «Digital Rights and Video for Change: Building the Movement in Southeast Asia», funded by the Embassy of Sweden Bangkok. The evaluation covered activities from September 2019 to August 2022 in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand,
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and the broader Asia Pacific region. Evaluation reveals EngageMedia’s relevance in addressing digital rights issues but highlightes the need for EngageMedia to have a clearer role definition. The evaluation team also concludes that while EngageMedia increased organizational effectiveness, monitoring data challenges impact demonstration. The evaluation underlines that project’s sustainability is a concern, and urges to consider monetizing outputs and streamlining for long-term viability. Recommendations include refining EngageMedia’s role in the digital rights space and their thematic and geographic scope, improving monitoring and evaluation system, integrating gender equality and human rights into programming, enhancing program and financial management. The evaluation recommends that Sida should consider additional support when providing core funding to mitigate unintended consequences." (Back cover)
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"The unprecedented situation brought on by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has forced many sectors in Indonesia to transform and deliver their public services using ICTs. While the government has leveraged its school connectivity programme, started before the pandemic, in response to the tremend
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ous need for connectivity for home-based teaching and learning, the system was caught unprepared. As this proposal explains, digital learning fell short owing to limited connectivity, the shortage of devices, the lack of digital literacy and skills, unfamiliarity with edtech, and the scarcity of digitized education materials. These shortcomings, associated with the country’s geographical situation, urban–rural gaps and socio-economic as well as technological disparities, posed unique challenges in Indonesia. In the face of those challenges, a framework is proposed here to help assess needs and resources related to school connectivity holistically.
The proposal comprises a set of interconnected components (see Figure 7). The outer components are requirements that must be met to enable school connectivity, i.e. policy environment, infrastructure and devices, sustainable financing for connectivity and digital data governance. The inner components are multipliers that help optimize the use of school connectivity, i.e. digital literacy and skills, edtech and school–community partnership. The proposal ends with a summary of issues meriting further consideration and is expected to initiate further discussion of how to implement school connectivity in Indonesia." (Executive summary)
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"Indonesia is in the lowest category on the Global Connectivity Index 2020 in terms of ICT investment, ICT maturity and digital economic performance. It should close the Internet connectivity gap in every educational facility so as to ensure educational opportunities, a productive knowledge-based ec
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onomy and, ultimately, graduation to a higher category. Internet service affordability is another factor contributing to the urban–rural digital divide, which has widened during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite national spending by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, 40 per cent of students and teachers remain unconnected for reasons related to affordability.
Although Indonesia has reached target prices for mobile Internet service of 1.17 (pre-paid) and 1.40 per cent (post-paid), the requirement to study and teach from home has led to a surge in demand at the same time as it has highlighted the high cost of Internet use in education. The way in which the Internet has been used to study during the pandemic makes it unaffordable for teachers and students [...]
Despite the best efforts of the digital/telecommunication and education sectors, the residual gaps are indicative of a critical policy issue, as revealed by further analyses. Without proper policy intervention, the education sector will continue to suffer the severe impact of connectivity affordability and accessibility gaps. The following policy interventions are recommended to address these gaps: • Option 1: Issue a new presidential decree expanding BAKTI’s programme for school connectivity beyond the current 3T areas; Option 2: Expand the current Internet access programme beyond the 3T areas to connect schools that are most in need, targeting schools in underserved areas. Option 3: To enhance affordability, have BAKTI focus on coverage programmes (e.g. subsidized base transceiver stations), not only in 3T areas, but also where students and teachers live, and the schools become the universal connectivity target. Option 4: If BAKTI has implemented all supply-side interventions, but affordability remains an issue, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology could consider providing demand-side subsidies for underprivileged groups of students and teachers." (Executive summary, pages 27-28)
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"Bringing together 14 journalism scholars from around the world, this edited collection addresses the deficit of coverage of violence against women in the Global South by examining the role of the legacy press and social media that report on and highlight ways to improve reporting. Authors investiga
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te the ontological limitations which present structural and systemic challenges for journalists who report on the normalization of violence against women in country cases in Argentina; Brazil; Mexico; Indonesia; Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa; Egypt; Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Challenges include patriarchal forces; gender imbalance in newsrooms; propaganda and censorship strategies by repressive, hyper-masculine, and populist political regimes; economic and digital inequities; and civil and transnational wars. Presenting diverse conceptual, methodological, and empirical chapters, the collection offers a revision of existing frameworks and guidelines and aims to promote more gender-sensitive, trauma-informed, solutions-driven, and victim or survivor centered reporting in the region." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines the way in which SDG initiatives have been disseminated by mainstream media, in government discourse and by NGO’s, charitable organisations, and campaign groups. It questions to what extent sustainability narratives are being supported and how they are represented; how saving t
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he environment can be made pertinent to someone who has no access to clean food or running water; and why local initiatives (in which indigenous populations are making a real difference) are overshadowed by multinationals whose attempts to rectify the damage their goods have done gains more credible reportage." (Publisher description)
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"The communication strategy used by the British Council on Climate Cool Campaign for Climate Champions of Indonesia is very positively accepted and effective. Almost all of the responses from the interviewees agreed and were alarmed with the effects of climate change and quick action must be impleme
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nted. All resource persons, both external and internal, agreed that the solutions to climate change start with every individual and everybody needs to contribute to combating climate change. The external resource persons who were all Climate Champions of Indonesia agreed that having a lot of network in creating programs for climate change solutions can give you greater impact. Based on the researcher’s findings is the communication strategy of the British Council’s CCC, on the young Climate Champions of Indonesia. It is important that the young delegates will develop the emotional urge to have to change present conditions (affective), and with the necessary knowledge, understanding, and perceptions about the issue (cognitive) and imperative change in behavior on how to combat climate change (conative). According to the Director of Climate Program, solutions to climate change must come from a leader, “leadership is very crucial. There are a lot of people out there who are very keen to do things with climate change, but only those who have leadership qualities are most likely the ones to be successful. Any project will involve other people and therefore they need to demonstrate and have leadership. If they will be working on their own they’ll be less effective so leadership is very important along with teamwork, but leadership is something which is fundamental to the success of the program and to reach the numbers of people that we hope to reach through the project." (Conclusion, page 229)
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"This article examines the sustainability of community radio, the ‘third pillar’ of Indonesia’s democratic media system, after twenty years of government recognition. It focuses particularly on the strategies adopted by the Indonesian Community Radio Network (Jaringan Radio Komunitas Indonesia
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, JRKI) – Indonesia’s largest community radio network – to maintain its survival, with a strong emphasis on funding models. This article is based on a review of relevant documents (reports from local and international agencies) and semi-structured interviews with informants from JRKI’s central board and its partners. It is further enriched with a critical analysis of Indonesian broadcast policies and a review of community radio funding models in developed countries. Through its analysis, this article shows that community radio network in Indonesia is facing a managerial and financial crisis, one that leaves its sustainability in question. It also finds that the sustainability of JRKI and its members depends on the political climate and that the organization requires friendly regulations as well as partnerships with local and national public institutions. The recent trend (2015–21) of establishing partnerships with various government bodies has resulted in the association becoming increasingly state-driven in its management." (Abstract)
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"This report investigates the political economy of covert influence in the 2022 Philippine Elections, with a focus on social media influencers involved in covert political campaigning. This interdisciplinary research (1) examines political influencers and peripheral actors in the field engaged in po
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litical campaigning using qualitative field research methods, (2) maps and evaluates evidence of their participation in covert influence operations through computational social science methods, and (3) estimates political spending on the presumed commissioned influencers through economic modeling. Our research is the first empirical work to produce an assembly of data-informed approximations of the scope and scale of the political economy of covert influence operations. Specifically, it is the first to estimate the economic ‘cost’ of commissioned influencers for electoral influence operations in the Philippines. It also provides a complex but nuanced account of influencers as ‘gray’ political actors who exercise agency in their complicity to covert political campaigning given commensurate economic and political incentives. Amidst undocumented transactions and opaque operations, our research establishes multiple, cross-platform proxy measures of malicious political influencing, beyond established detection mechanisms. We find that thousands of political influencers are presumed to be commissioned to perform covert political campaigning in the 2022 Philippine Elections for top national positions, funded by massive financing by political intermediaries in a largely unstructured and unregulated economic market characterized by asymmetrical political relations." (Executive summary, page 11)
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"This report examines why the precarious middle class in the Philippines has been particularly susceptible to digital disinformation. It focuses on two key imaginaries that disinformation producers weaponized in the year leading up to the 2022 national elections. The first was a long-simmering anti-
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Chinese resentment, which racist social media campaigns about Philippines-China relations targeted. The other was a yearning for a “strong leader”, which history-distorting campaigns about the country’s Martial Law era amplified. Ironically, some practices adopted by members of the public to protect themselves from the toxicity and vitriol of online spaces increased their vulnerability to digital disinformation. The cumulative impact of these was for people to dig deeper into their existing imaginaries, something that disinformation producers targeted and exploited. We offer two suggestions for future counter-disinformation initiatives. The first has to do with addressing people’s vulnerability to the weaponization of their shared imaginaries. Counter-disinformation initiatives can move past divisive imaginaries by infusing creativity in imparting information. Collaborating with well-intentioned professionals in the media and creative industries would be key to these kinds of initiatives. The second has to do with addressing people’s media consumption practices. These practices tend to open them up to sustained and long-term digital disinformation campaigns, which provide them with problematic imaginaries to dig into. To establish a similarly robust common ground of reality, counter-disinformation initiatives should themselves be programmatic, not ad hoc." (Executive summary)
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"This book explores how digital authoritarianism operates in India, Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesia, and Malaysia, and how religion can be used to legitimize digital authoritarianism within democracies. In doing so, it explains how digital authoritarianism operates at various technological levels includ
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ing sub-network level, proxy level, and user level, and elaborates on how governments seek to control cyberspace and social media. In each of these states, governments, in an effort to prolong – or even make permanent – their rule, seek to eliminate freedom of expression on the internet, punish dissidents, and spread pro-state propaganda. At the same time, they instrumentalize religion to justify and legitimize digital authoritarianism. Governments in these five countries, to varying degrees and at times using different methods, censor the internet, but also use digital technology to generate public support for their policies, key political figures, and at times their worldview or ideology. They also, and again to varying degrees, use digital technology to demonize religious and ethnic minorities, opposition parties, and political dissidents." (Publisher description)
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"The internet is a double-edged sword: civilians can mobilise it to assemble and voice dissent, but illiberal regimes can also weaponise it to consolidate power and suppress any form of opposition. Internet shutdowns – intentional disruptions of internet services – represent one method used to l
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imit citizens’freedom of expression, information, peaceful assembly and other associated rights in the name of national security. Julia Ryng, Guillemette Guicherd, Judy Al Saman, Priyanka Choudhury and Angharad Kellett examine the cases of Myanmar and Belarus: two distinct political regimes that nonetheless converge on similar strategies of repression. Through this comparative analysis, the authors highlight how future repression is likely to work and how compelling policy responses can be formulated." (Abstract)
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"This edited collection seeks to better understand how journalism across cultures differs, presenting an in-depth exploration of global practices that departs from the typical Western-centric approach. Journalists across the world are trained, generally speaking, within Western models of reporting a
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nd are taught to do so as a practice where reporters need to aspire and aim for. Yet what such training is short of achieving is teaching reporters how to 'do' journalism within their own environments. In turn, what is required is a method of journalistic training and practice that is reflective of the actual practice reporters encounter on the ground. In order to do so, a better understanding of how journalism is practised in different parts of the world, the context surrounding such practices, the issues and challenges associated, and the positive practices that Western journalism can offer, is necessary. Promoting and deploying a culturally-specific and politically-relevant journalism, this book provides just that." (Publisher description)
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"The purpose of this Report is to help the countries that are in the process of migrating from analogue to digital terrestrial broadcasting. The Report examines the reasons why this is happening and the technologies involved. It provides an overview of digital terrestrial sound and television broadc
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asting technologies and system migration. The Report outlines the available options for making that transition and the route to be followed. The Report is divided into two parts. Part 1 deals with the main issues related with the transition to digital, presents the principal problems and possible solutions. Part 2 gives more detailed information on important aspects which have already been covered in Part 1." (Page 1)
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"In Myanmar and Pakistan, anti-democratic forces including an alliance of military and right-wing political factions are dominating political affairs despite both countries’ constitutions defining democratic processes. Consequently, the authoritarian rule has been looming in these countries. The a
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bove forces have kept tight control over traditional media (television, print) by silencing the voices of common people using force and violence. However, social media has empowered pro-civilian rule activists to raise their voices and has helped to mobilise the public in favour of political change in their societies. How are these activists using social media to bring political change in Myanmar and Pakistan? This policy brief seeks answers to this question by examining the activism of political and civil society activists on social media in Myanmar and Pakistan. The brief explains the methods, strategies, and their impact on political and social space in Pakistani and Myanmar societie." (Summary)
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