"Se quisermos caracterizar o perfil das fontes às quais os jornalistas recorreram, poder-se-á dizer que esta é masculina, oficial e com fala desenraizada de um lugar geográfico específico – portanto, de nível nacional. É o caso do ministro da Saude, Alexandre Manguele, que é uma fonte reco
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rrente nas notícias por nós analisadas no contexto da greve dos médicos. Observouse também que predominam as fontes oficiais, devido à utilização de comunicados e notas de imprensa emitidos pela Direcção Nacional de Saúde sobre a crise dos medicamentos. O facto de os jornais públicos analisados construírem as notícias sobre a greve dos médicos e a crise dos medicamentos com base em comunicados de imprensa e fontes oficiais, faz com que haja uma replicação do conteúdo dos textos noticiosos de um meio de comunicação para outro. A falta de especialização nas redações e a escassez de tempo podem justificar a confiança dos jornalistas em informação pronta a publicar, previamente preparada por entidades oficiais ou gabinetes de assessoria e relações públicas." (Página 30)
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"This brochure addresses the role of African youth in peace work, the hurdles and sources of potential. The CPS networks in Africa place particular emphasis on working with young people. You may already have read articles about peace work by and with young people in other publications in the “Buil
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ding Peace” series. What has impressed us most in the contributions to this publication are the courageous and creative initiatives and the central role played by artistic expression and culture, or, to be more precise, the multiplicity of cultures. The strengths and challenges of the multi-cultural aspect of the Civil Peace Service’s work are richly illustrated in the wide range of articles." (https://www.ziviler-friedensdienst.org)
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"The study has shown that as a developing country, Botswana has done well to develop and structurally position the mobile telephony sector for the benefit of its citizens. This is evidenced by the high rate of subscription of mobile telephony countrywide and continuous attempts by the government to
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network under-served communities. However, the sector has been left in the hands of a quasi-governmental corporation and private individual businessmen. In addition, there is serious competition for subscribers amongst network operators, uneven diffusion of network technologies and inadequate communication signal in some remote areas. Therefore, this study argues for additional reforms, with a view to strengthening and positioning the sector for effective use in order to deliver social services and increase diversification of the economy." (Abstract)
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"Somaliland needs legal, policy and institutional reforms in order to avoid arbitrary and politically motivated interference with the dissemination of information and opinions to the public. This is the conclusion of one of the papers presented at the 4th Annual Conference organized by the Social Re
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search and Development Institute (SORADI). With a focus on media development, the conference in Hargeisa on August 24 and 25 [2013] brought together representatives from government institutions, policy makers, civil society as well as academics, journalists, international scholars, and traditional leaders to discuss, debate and exchange ideas on press freedom in Somaliland's young democracy. With 57 licensed newspapers, 8 TV stations, 108 news websites but only one public radio station the first contribution to the discussion centered on the media industry, its practices and the lack of enforcement of regulatory frameworks. Lessons from what the author of the second paper called "Africa's freedom of speech dilemma" guided the conversation on what there is to learn for Somaliland. Further afield, the third paper dealt with the role of the Diaspora in shaping the media landscape in Somaliland. As part of the discussion on professional media practices, the fourth presentation looked at challenges of Somaliland Universities to offer relevant studies programmes. Debating the intricate issue of balancing rights and responsibilities of media, the fifth paper looked at the performance of the media during the time of elections. The final paper summarised promises and challenges of media freedom in Somaliland." (https://ke.boell.org)
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"Radio Centrafrique was established in 1958. In its roles as the nation’s public broadcaster, it is run like a state media. However, since 2013, Radio Centrafrique has tried to preserve a neutral tone and its focus on public interest information. However, its status within the Ministry of Communic
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ation and Reconciliation limits its independence and its capacity to diversify its supply of programs, to develop new types of content and to adjust its human resources." (Executive summary)
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"Education and language skills are the main factors that influence which platform women access most frequently. Daily TV use is similar for men and women but women tend to lag men in frequent radio and internet use. Once a country reaches a critical mass in mobile penetration, gaps between both male
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and female ownership levels decrease. The largest gaps exist in countries that are still developing mobile capacity." (Summary, page 35)
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"The highly debated Protection of State Information Bill (POSIB) in South Africa represents the first attempt of a sub-Saharan African country to create security legislation which is not based on Colonial law. It can be assumed that this law will have a significant impact on similar legislative refo
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rm processes in neighbouring countries, as South Africa acts as a role model." (KAS website, 21.5.2014)
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"The Ethiopian government, led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has developed one of the most restrictive systems for the regulation of new media in Africa. So far, most discussion has focused on the measures employed by the EPRDF to prevent the Internet and mobile p
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hones from becoming tools for opposition forces to challenge the regime. Much less attention has been paid to the strategies pursued in order to make new media work in support of the government's ambiguous but ambitious attempt to make Ethiopia a developmental state. Examining the period between 1991 and 2012, this article explores how the EPRDF gradually moved from a simple strategy of information control towards incorporating new media into its state- and nation-building efforts through large-scale projects such as Woredanet and Schoolnet. Larger trends at the international level, including the securitization of development and the growing significance of China in Africa, have legitimated the use of the media to serve development outcomes, and have facilitated the spread of the kind of ‘developmental media system’ that has emerged in Ethiopia. The article concludes that only by engaging with these systems on their own terms and “going with the grain” can we develop a better understanding of how they work and how to change them." (Abstract)
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"No campo de estudos de religião e mídia, a importância da comunicação de massa está bem estabelecida para as religiões globalizadas tais como o cristianismo e o islamismo, mas o mesmo não se verifica com relação às religiões nativas africanas. O presente artigo busca preencher essa lacu
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na investigando as atividades de mídia de um movimento religioso neo-tradicional em Gana, a Missão Afrikania. Ao analisar a posição cambiante de Afrikania na esfera pública em relação a mudanças nos cenários político, religioso e midiático de Gana, demonstro como novos constrangimentos e oportunidades levaram Afrikania a adaptar suas estratégias de acesso à mídia e seus estilos de representação. A política de representação da Afrikania é complexificada pela sua posição delicada entre uma esfera pública de hegemonia cristã e as práticas dos sacerdotes e sacerdotisas que ela visa representar." (Resumo)
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"In a rapidly changing civil-political and socio-economic environment, the internet has emerged as one of the primary mechanisms that influence and continue to redefine the practice of democracy. Internet freedom is therefore an increasingly important safeguard towards advancing not only freedom of
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expression but the broader issues concerning access to information but also its associated rights. This module highlights the evolving exercise of free of expression in a digital world and how this has an influence on open, accountable and sustainable democracy in South Africa." (Preface)
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"This study identifies and critically analyses the major imperial (global and regional) political and economic factors and decisions that influenced and shaped the development of pre-independence radio broadcasting in the Bechuanaland Protectorate. With little or no consideration of the needs of the
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local population, two duelling imperialist powers – Great Britain and the Union of South Africa – negotiated, disagreed, and eventually virtually co- established a centralised, administrative radio network that reflected their own regional ambitions. Based primarily on key official British Protectorate, High Commission and Union government documents obtained from extensive archival research in the Botswana National Archives, a detailed picture emerges of two duelling imperial powers planning for their own divergent regional futures, via the establishment of administrative and political dimensions of radio policies, for a territory which both wished to control for their own purposes. Once Britain had decided against allowing South Africa's annexation of Bechuanaland, radio politics and policies fell more into line with those in other British colonial African and Asian territories, primarily managing perceived anti-colonial nationalist challenges and deterring the perceived threats posed by apartheid- and Cold War-inspired communist influences." (Abstract)
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"Building a body of empirical evidence about why and how journalists use such multimedia and the consequences of this for journalism, NGO-work and those represented, is the central focus of this thesis. Unlike previous research on news coverage of Africa and journalists’ use of NGO-provided multim
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edia that tends to focus on the coverage of ‘disasters’ or ‘humanitarian emergencies’, this study analyses journalists’ use of NGO-provided multimedia about Africa during a very different news-making period – what journalists call a ‘quiet news week’.
The research involved sixty semi-structured interviews with those whose decisions shaped the production of six media items, which were also subject to qualitative content analysis. These items were about a range of topics and African countries: all of which were published or broadcast in news readily available to British audiences. But why and how journalists used NGO-provided multimedia was shaped most powerfully by the ‘moral economies’ (Sayer 2007) structuring each news outlet. These moral economies were found to have brought about a ‘quiet revolution’: leading to the emergence of a number of heterogeneous, normatively-laden coalitions between NGOs and news outlets, often hidden from the view of audiences. Consequently, journalists’ use of NGO-provided multimedia was found to have limited progressive potential: for it inhibited collective reasoning by preventing critical scrutiny, as well as systematically excluding the political value of ‘voice’ in ways which further marginalised the disadvantaged and powerless (Sen 2010)." (Abstract)
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"In this contribution, the role of progressive African intellectuals fifty years after independence in the context of African postcolonial, political and socio-economic conditions is examined. African intellectuals have been marginalized by the African state, and progressive intellectuals have been
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disunited in their struggle for relevance. The possibilities for African intellectual autonomy and international solidarity are shown through a recollection of the flourishing intellectual environment and local publishing output of post-independence Tanzania. The end of that era and the demise of publishing, including in African languages, has negatively impacted African economic and intellectual emancipation and can only be addressed by international solidarity among progressive intellectuals." (Abstract)
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