"Laos has had a particularly turbulent recent history. Since the late nineteenth century, its territorial borders have been defined and redefined at the whim of successive outside forces, its national identity contrived and manipulated to suit the dominant power of the moment. The articulations of n
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ation status have, for the most part, been inaccessible and irrelevant to the inhabitants of Laos, who have been far more concerned with the day-to-day battle to survive." (Page 75)
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"At an international level, the media development community should advocate for standards governing media cross-ownership limitations, best practices in media licensing, and the licensing of the broadcast spectrum. States should adopt net neutrality and support increased uncensored access to social
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media and Internet news sources. They should scrutinize media ownership sales and declare non-transparent sales of media companies illegitimate and make their ownership visible. Media owners, governments, and media development funders and practitioners must modify the belief that advertising will always automatically support independent media. It won’t. It is not in any advertiser’s business model to underwrite news reporting; first and foremost, it is their fiduciary duty to build their own customer bases. If that means redirecting marketing strategies to more effective platforms, they will. And they have. The media development community should commit to aggressively accelerating the financial management, business, advertising, and digital media skills of media managers, particularly in transitional countries. When entering transitional markets, media outlets should first conduct audience research to establish a baseline for advertising rates. Cronyism and coercion lack force when advertisers, particularly large international advertisers, are given legitimate choices among alternatives. Media developers should support independent community and investigative reporting, especially local radio, through multiple funding sources, including helping to build local revenue bases, even if they exist outside traditional media business models." (Recommendations, page 31)
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"Picturing Afghanistan is an in-depth account of the Euro-American visualization of the conflict in Afghanistan. Comparing images in public affairs, psychological warfare, journalism and the photobook, the author argues that there are no strong boundaries between photography in war and photography a
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bout war. He shwos how and when the media have adopted, extended and counterframed the public affairs discourse of militarism and humanitarianism, and how and when public affairs rely on the aesthetic codes of photojournalism. Instead of enforcing a unified interpretation, the author considers photography's ambiguous and contradictory aspects. It is argued that, even within the conventionalized genre of photojournalism, photographs of conflict do not merely promote unity and social cohesion but express anxieties associated with the breakdown of imagined communities." (Back cover)
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"This article presents an overview of the emergence of sustainability themes in communication for development and argues that there is an urgent need for a framework of sustainability indicators for communication for development and social change projects around the world. It fills a crucial gap in
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the growing body of literature by first synthesizing the most relevant data currently produced by global and local institutions, NGOs, UN-based organizations, academics, and professionals regarding assessment indicators for development projects, and second, produces a framework of sustainability indicators that can be used by a wide variety of people in the field to assess the sustainability of existing projects and the sustainable potential of planned ones. It then tests the framework in two representative cases." (Abstract)
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"The first "theoretical perspectives" section has opinions and research articles by academic scholars and expert practitioners on new media and communication Issues and trends in Asia. Some of the topics covered include the dynamics arising out of the shift to the 'digilogue', mobile activism, corpo
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rate social responsibility, the television news industry, and state of development communication among other issues. The second section has 26 country profiles from all over the Asia-Pacific region. For the first time, Australia and New Zealand have been added to this edition. Each country chapter provides a snapshot into the communication and media landscape and includes a brief historical geography, political structure, economic indicators, and a more detailed media landscape. The media landscape profiles the current media and communication scene in the country, including the latest on the journalism, print media, broadcast media (radio, television, cinema), telecommunications, the Internet, new media, advertising, media training and media law sections. Statistical tables in each section present updated, key concise data for that country." (Back cover)
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"The very rapid growth in the Indian media industries and the vibrancy of India's popular culture are making a working understanding of the Indian scene a prerequisite for any serious study of media in the twenty-first century. As one of the largest and most influential emerging economies in the wor
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ld today, India now plays a crucial role in any serious discussion of social and economic change taking place at the global level. As new commercial and political alignments take shape in the face of new global circumstances, thinkers and decision-makers are inexorably drawn towards the reality of a new India being forged in the technological and cultural flux of global media flows. Taking an innovative interdisciplinary approach to the complex field of Indian media and society, this book combines a rich descriptive account with critical analysis designed to engender informed debate amongst students, academics and other researchers." (Back cover)
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"Ruling elites often try to co-opt civil society groups, and in times of political or military crises they can attempt to control the national information infrastructure. But a defining feature of civil society is independence from the authority of the state, even in countries such as Saudi Arabia a
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nd Egypt. And in important ways, digital communication networks are also independent of any particular state authority. What has been the impact of digital media on political communication in Muslim media systems? How have tools such as mobile phones and the internet affected the process of forming political identity, particularly for the young? When do such tools change the opportunity for civic action, and when do they simply empower ruling elites to be more effective censors? In this chapter, we analyze the best available micro-level data on technology use and changing patterns of political identity and macro-level data on networks of civil society actors." (Introduction)
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"This article examines the complexity of the internet control mechanisms in China by breaking it down to five layers, ranging from the government, service and content providers to webmasters and individual users. It inquires into the logic of the control mechanisms and how such logic is naturalized
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into organizations and individuals' everyday practices. It shows the dynamic between proactive, synchronized and reactive strategies and how the relationship between these components evolves in different phases. Through comparative online ethnography of the two most prominent Chinese forums located in China and the USA, QQ and MIT BBS, data analyses and interviews with regulators and content providers, this article aims at locating internet control in the historical trajectory and the socio-cultural specificity of China. More importantly, it reveals the effectiveness of these control mechanisms and the implications for the average internet user's everyday life." (Abstract)
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"A compilation of 13 articles that discuss social media developments and trends in Asia. For this publication we invited eleven alumni from the Konrad Adenauer Asian Center for Journalism (ACFJ) at the Ateneo de Manila University in the Philippines to share their views on social media issues based o
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n their inside knowledge and hands-on experience. The authors from six different countries provide insight into various new media trends and present diversified approaches, ranging from Cambodia, with comparably low Internet penetration, to Indonesia, which is considered the second biggest Facebook “nation” in the world. Topics include: Integration of social media in traditional newsrooms; Issues and challenges of social media; Social media and newsprint advertising; Social media and television networks; Ways to maximise and monetise social media; Investigative journalism and social media; Censorship and social media." (Back cover)
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"Conclusions: Television remains the most important medium by far, both in terms of overall reach and as a news source. Internet access - heavily driven by mobile take-up - has reached critical mass, especially among key demographics. This phenomenon is national in nature and not just confined to mo
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re affluent urban areas. Given the heavy reliance on mobile for Internet access; Internet content needs to work well on mobile platforms. Any communications strategy for Indonesia has to take into account the large and growing role of social media, especially among the young." (Slide 40)
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"This report summarises the presentations and recommendations made at the Conference on Media Development in Myanmar organised by the Myanmar Ministry of Information and Culture and UNESCO in cooperation with International Media Support (IMS) and Canal France International with support from the Gove
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rnments of Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The conference, held on 19–20 March 2012 in Yangon was historic as it was among the first of its kind to be held specifically on media development in Myanmar. The conference brought together a wide spectrum of Myanmar and international media specialists and media support organisations, donors and Myanmar government representatives to discuss media development and the way forward for the Fourth Estate in Myanmar. One aspect that set the conference apart was the involvement of members of the Myanmar exile media, including Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma, and Irrawaddy Magazine. Their presence indicated a major shift in the government’s attitude towards press freedom and a commitment to media reform." (Introduction, page 6)
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"Taking into account the performativity of the term “diaspora”, the author tries to understand how Nepalese diasporic websites are the sign and conditions of an “incipient diaspora”. Analysis of authoritative websites and links between different websites helps understand the structure of the
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Nepalese diaspora and the issues at stake. The Internet is hardly egalitarian and reflects the tensions in Nepalese society. However, links between websites are real. Non Resident Nepalis Association websites are central to the associative Web, and cultural association websites are in the majority. The “etic” study of “emic” discourses of self-presentation by the diaspora shows that, through their public and performative dimensions, Nepalese diasporic websites are at the very heart of the process of constructing the Nepalese diaspora." (Abstract)
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"By getting connected with each other again, social media users seem to have more incentive to vote because approval by friends becomes an integral part of benefits from voting. In South Korea this phenomenon came at the dusk of the 1987 regime, which is a conservative representation system where yo
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unger, less wealthy, and progressive voters are under-represented and, thus, have little incentive to vote. Voter turnout going up again because of social media after twenty five years of going down has reversed a series of election outcomes since 2010. We pay special attention to Twitter which has played most of the political role for the past two years. The election law, last amended when there was no such thing as social media, failed to catch up with the political realities. Is democracy after Twitter going to be qualitatively different from the 1987 regime (i.e., democracy after democratization)? The reason to believe in the affirmative is that it solves at least partially the political representation problem inherent in the old system. The reason to remain pessimistic is that the offline party organizations, even democratic ones, tend to move in their vested interest rather than incorporating the new political energy accumulated in the social networks." (Abstract)
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"For decades, television scholars have viewed global television through the lens of cultural imperialism, focusing primarily on programs produced by US and UK markets and exported to foreign markets. Global Television Formats revolutionizes television studies by de-provincializing its approach to me
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dia globalization. It re-examines dominant approaches and their legacies of global/local and center/ periphery, and offers new directions for understanding television’s contemporary incarnations. The chapters in this collection take up the format phenomena from around the globe, including the Middle East, Western and Eastern Europe, South and West Africa, South and East Asia, Australia and New Zealand, North America, South America, and the Caribbean. Contributors address both little known examples and massive global hits ranging from the Idol franchise around the world, to telenovelas, dance competitions, sports programming, reality TV, quiz shows, sitcoms and more." (Publisher description)
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"This article presents and discusses the results of an experiment, which gathered audience responses to television news coded as war journalism and peace journalism respectively, in two countries, Australia and the Philippines. From the peace journalism model, evaluative criteria were first derived
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as a set of headings for content analysis of existing television news as broadcast in each country. The test material was then coded to fall within the upper and lower peace journalism quintiles of the ‘idiom and range’ of local television journalism in each case. Distinctions under the headings were particularized for individual stories by critical discourse analysis, to disclose potential sources of influence transmitted into audience frames. Data about emotional responses, gathered from self-reporting questionnaires, were combined with a textual artefact, with participants completing a ‘thought-listing protocol’ as they watched. Focus groups also viewed the material and provided more in-depth narrative responses. Watching peace journalism left people less angry and fearful, and more hopeful and empathic. Peace journalism viewers were also less inclined to apportion ‘blame’ to one ‘side’, and more likely to think about cooperative solutions to the problems presented." (Abstract)
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