"Providing detailed case studies, this book explores the vibrant digital expressions of diverse groups of Muslim cybernauts: religious clerics and Sufi mystics, feminists and fashionistas, artists and activists, Hajj pilgrims and celebrities. Together, these stories span a vast cultural and geograph
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ic landscape, including Indonesia, Iran, the Middle East, and the United States. These case studies are contextualized within the backdrop of broader social trends, including racism and Islamophobia, gender dynamics, celebrity culture, identity politics, and the shifting dynamics of contemporary religious piety and practice. Authors examine a wide-range of digital multimedia technologies as primary ''texts." These include websites, podcasts, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube channels, online magazines and discussion forums, and religious apps." (Publisher description)
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"The Government of Madhya Pradesh is committed to ensure the overall development of all its residents, especially women and children. The Department of Women and Child Development (DWCD) works to sustainably improve health and nutrition outcomes for women of reproductive age and children below 6 yea
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rs, enable holistic development and protection of children and ensure safety, equity and empowerment of women. The department implements the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) scheme for improving maternal and infant nutrition and health. It also implements the Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS) and various other schemes and programmes for health, gender equality and women empowerment. Over the years, a lot of progress has been made. However, there are still a few indicators that are not doing well as expected. Census 2011, National Family Health Survey – 4 (2015-16) and NFHS-5 (2019-21) have found that low sex ratio, lack of women empowerment, experiencing gender-based violence, substance abuse, low female literacy, child marriage and small landholdings are some of the determinants of poor health and empowerment of women and children. Individual and community behaviours, attitudes, social norms and practices are some of the reasons for such indicators.
To bring about an improvement in these indicators and positively transform the status of women and children in Madhya Pradesh, a comprehensive state-specific social and behaviour change (SBC) strategy has been developed for DWCD. This strategy is supported by the recommendations provided in the department’s other policies. The state’s Nutrition Policy (2020-30) emphasizes on the importance of designing SBCC plans in local dialects for its acceptability and greater involvement of the community. The centre’s Poshan Abhiyan which DWCD follows stresses on community mobilisation and behaviour change, highlighting the need to take-up sustained efforts requiring multi-pronged approach and bring grass-root synergy and convergence. The state’s Child Protection Policy (2020) also highlights the need to build awareness and stakeholder capacities to strengthen implementation and the enabling environment to ensure child well-being and protection. This document details the SBC strategy which includes thematic area-wise priority and desired behaviours that should be practised by the target groups for improved indicators, barriers and enablers to its adoption, key messages to be communicated and strategic approach and interventions that will facilitate positive change." (Introduction)
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"This book is a fascinating look at how the United States waged the Cold War through the international broadcasting of Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL). Mark G. Pomar served in senior positions at VOA and RFE/RL from 1982 to 1993, during which time the Reagan and B
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ush administrations made VOA and RFE/RL an important part of their foreign policy. VOA is America's "national voice," broadcasting in more than forty languages, and is charged with explaining U.S. government policies and telling America's story with the aim of gaining the respect and goodwill of its target audience. During the Cold War, the VOA Russian Service broadcast twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. RFE/RL is a private corporation, funded until 1971 by the CIA and afterward through open congressional appropriations. It broadcast in more than twenty languages of Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia and functioned as a "home service" located abroad. Its Russian Service broadcast news, feature programming, and op-eds that would have been part of daily political discourse if Russia had free media. Pomar takes readers inside the two radio stations to show how the broadcasts were conceived and developed and the impact they had on international broadcasting, U.S.-Soviet relations, Russian political and cultural history, and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Pomar provides nuanced analysis of the broadcasts and sheds light on the multifaceted role the radios played during the Cold War, ranging from instruments of U.S. Cold War policy to repositories of independent Russian culture, literature, philosophy, religion, and the arts. The volume breaks new ground as Pomar integrates his analysis of Cold War radio programming with the long-term aims of U.S. foreign policy, illuminating the role of radio in the peaceful end of the Cold War." (Publisher description)
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"Trust in the news has fallen in almost half the countries in our survey, and risen in just seven, partly reversing the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, around four in ten of our total sample (42%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the countr
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y with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while news trust in the USA has fallen by a further three percentage points and remains the lowest (26%) in our survey.
• Consumption of traditional media, such as TV and print, declined further in the last year in almost all markets (pre-Ukraine invasion), with online and social consumption not making up the gap. While the majority remain very engaged, others are turning away from the news media and in some cases disconnecting from news altogether. Interest in news has fallen sharply across markets, from 63% in 2017 to 51% in 2022.
• Meanwhile, the proportion of news consumers who say they avoid news, often or sometimes, has increased sharply across countries. This type of selective avoidance has doubled in both Brazil (54%) and the UK (46%) over the last five years, with many respondents saying news has a negative effect on their mood. A significant proportion of younger and less educated people say they avoid news because it can be hard to follow or understand – suggesting that the news media could do much more to simplify language and better explain or contextualise complex stories.
• In the five countries we surveyed after the war in Ukraine had begun, we find that television news is relied on most heavily – with countries closest to the fighting, such as Germany and Poland, seeing the biggest increases in consumption. Selective news avoidance has, if anything, increased further – likely due to the difficult and depressing nature of the coverage.
• Global concerns about false and misleading information remain stable this year, ranging from 72% in Kenya and Nigeria to just 32% in Germany and 31% in Austria. People say they have seen more false information about Coronavirus than about politics in most countries, but the situation is reversed in Turkey, Kenya, and the Philippines, amongst others." (Summary, page 10)
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"This report highlights an emerging and continuously developing Chinese state information capability in Solomon Islands. That capability can be deployed to support the CCP’s objectives, which include undermining Solomon Islands’ existing relationships with foreign partners, particularly Australi
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a and the US. Local media outlets have the highest level of online penetration and engagement in Solomon Islands. CCP official-led articles published in local media—including opinion pieces, press releases and other quote-based articles—are the most effective method of propagating CCP narratives in Solomon Islands’ online information environment. Party-state media articles produced by outlets such as the Global Times and the People’s Daily, although useful in highlighting CCP narratives, had little impact on and penetration into the Solomon Islands’ online information environment. They were rarely shared in public Facebook groups and, when they were shared, received mostly anti-China comments in response. Unlike CCP media releases and editorials published in local media, party-state media articles were rarely republished by local media outlets, which favoured content from Western media sources independent of state control, such as the Australian Broadcasting Corporation." (Key takeaways, page 5)
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"This report explores how the Chinese party-state's globally focused propaganda and disinformation capabilities are evolving and increasing in sophistication. Concerningly, this emerging approach by the Chinese party-state to influence international discourse on China, including obfuscating its reco
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rd of human rights violations, is largely flying under the radar of US social media platforms and western policymakers." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"In recent years, China’s playbook for expanding influence under the banner of “common destiny” is well known, with tactics ranging from ‘soft power’ incentive structures to ‘wolf warrior’ diplomatic brawls played out on the front pages of local newspapers. But how consistent is China
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s approach, especially against the backdrop of two years of pandemic disruption and a recalibrating global political environment? The purpose of this IFJ research project is to understand how the Chinese government ad media apparatus attempt to influence the global narrative about China’s role and place in the world. Since 2019, IFJ research has been gathered and compiled in collaboration with journalists’ unions in countries including Myanmar, Tunisia, Serbia, Italy, Kenya, Peru, and the Philippines. Through a series of surveys, round table discussions, interviews and other types of research, data and information has been gathered to help inform understanding about China’s approach to the media and its efforts to shape a global narrative on China before and after Covid-19 [...] This report, which surveys working journalists directly in China’s high-priority investment and infrastructure locations (Kenya, Peru, and the Philippines), finds evidence that overt ambassadorial gestures and direct pressure on local journalists is not common. On the flip side, attempts to influence international perceptions via ‘vaccine diplomacy’ and investment in expanding Chinese media networks in international markets appears to be thriving." (Summary, page 2)
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"Although China's official position on the war has been that of neutrality-not aligning with the West against Russia and not directly supporting Russia's war in Ukraine-its communications about the war, in particular its propaganda via state media and Foreign Ministry spokespeople have carried a mor
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e pro-Russia stance. During the past two months of the Russia-Ukraine war, Chinese official messaging has echoed and reinforced Russia's position: 1.) by promoting shared narratives about the origins and culprits of the war, namely blaming NATO and the United States; 2.) by drawing disproportionally on Russian sources and footage of the war; and 3.) by under-reporting on Ukraine's perspectives. This pro-Russia leaning during the Ukraine crisis can be understood as part of a larger propaganda trajectory vis-à-vis Russia and the United States. Domestically, China's propaganda messaging in large part appears to resonate with public opinion. Internationally, however, Chinese propaganda about the war, especially communications by Foreign Ministry spokespeople, delude China's neutrality position and antagonize the West, while more integrating China into the Global South." (Page 1)
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"In many parts of the Global South, coordinated political disinformation campaigns, rumor, and propaganda have long been a part of the social fabric, even before disinformation has become an area of scholarship in the Global North. The way disinformation manifests in this region, and responses to it
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, can therefore be highly instructive for readers around the world. Through case studies and comparative analyses, the book explores the impact of disinformation in Africa, Latin America, the Arab World and Asia. The chapters in this book discuss the similarities and differences of disinformation in different regions and provide a broad thematic overview of the phenomenon as it manifests across the Global South. After analyzing core concepts, theories and histories from Southern perspectives, contributors explore the experiences of media users and the responses to disinformation by various social actors drawing on examples from a dozen countries." (Publisher description)
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"This research identifies an Indonesian-language Twitter disinformation campaign posting pro-government materials on Indonesian governance in Papua, site of a protracted ethno-nationalist, pro-independence insurgency. Curiously, the campaign does not employ common disinformation tactics such as hash
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tag flooding or the posting of clickbait with high engagement potential, nor does it seek to build user profiles that would make the accounts posting this material appear as important participants in a debate over Papua’s status. The campaign simply employs synchronous, duplicate posts by ostensibly distinct authors to ensure that a significant proportion of posts mentioning contentious special autonomy arrangements are pro-government. Despite lacking sophistication, the scale of this information campaign in overall Twitter discussion of special autonomy adds to concerns about the ability of pro-government actors to employ disinformation to constrict political discourse in Southeast Asia." (Abstract)
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"The objective of this study is twofold –firstly to understand how women have found self-expression through community radio as a frugal technology and how, in turn, it has helped them serve the community and empower other women in the community to find their voices. Secondly, this study examines h
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ow radio stations in remote rural locations have enabled local communities to voice themselves which in turn has facilitated flow of information between the local authorities and the people during the pandemic. We have documented eight case studies of women broadcasters in different community radio stations across India. These case studies substantiate that women have overcome various societal and cultural barriers to associate themselves with community radio as a technology. These women act as agents of change in their communities and are followed as role models for other women and girls. It is observed that women in their roles as radio broadcasters feel enabled, empowered and are able to impact the community. All the women interviewed in this study felt comfortable using technology to record, edit and broadcast programmes. While they did not have any prior experience of using technology, they were quick to learn and adapt. Through our interviews we were able to infer that radio as medium supports frugal technology for its operation. Indeed, technology has the potential to empower people, it is evident that frugal technologies like community radio treat people as agents and not as mere users." (Abstract, page 6)
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"It’s clear that there are plenty of good ideas about how to save journalism as well as practical proposals for how to support quality information. The journalism community in much of the world is galvanized to make change happen and they’re ready to persuade the public and policy makers both th
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at something needs to be done and that something can be done. The political events of recent years show that democracy is at stake here [...] The success of responsible, good journalism will depend not just on financial support but on the media ecology in which it located—the extent to which, for instance, it has to compete against unregulated and irresponsible social media. As the broader discussion moves towards creating regulatory and policy frameworks for supporting independent, quality information—including through taxes on big tech that could be earmarked to fund independent and local news—and curbing, by at least holding accountable, media that spread a multitude of social harms, it’s important to remember the most important aspect of the enabling environment has to be respect for freedom of expression." (Conclusion)
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"As we share images, words and insights in this coffee table book we likewise rediscover our sense of identity as a Church. From each and every page we will be able to learn how our Catholic faith was formed as a nation, and how it evolved and developed over time. Like when individuals take it upon
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themselves to dive deep into their family's history, they can understand how their family interacted with larger historical change; so can we appreciate the richness of our faith experience spanning 500 years of existence vis-à-vis the events that shaped who we are as a Church in the Philippines." (Foreword by Rev. Roy M. Bellen)
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"The contributors, ranging from prominent scholars to the Head of Newsgathering at the BBC, discuss a diverse range of key case studies, including the role of Bellingcat in conflict journalism; war and peace journalism in Bangladesh; visual storytelling in conflict zones; and rampant cyber-misogyny
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confronting women journalists in Finland, India, the Philippines and South Africa." (Publisher description)
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"Typhoon Rai has proven to be one of the most damaging disasters to have hit the Philippines. However, around 400 lives were lost due to Typhoon Rai compared to disasters like Typhoon Haiyan in 2013, when 6,300 people died. The significantly lower number of deaths highlights the country’s experien
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ce and improved coordination of the response to disasters, including the work from the national government, local government units (LGUs), international organisations, and the private sector, including mobile network operators (MNOs)." (Page 1)
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"Despite the grim outlook, media development efforts in Burma between 2010 and 2020 may be instructive not only for donors pondering the way forward, but also for media assistance efforts in other countries in transition. This report, part of the Center for International Media Assistance’s “Medi
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a Reform amid Political Upheaval” project, highlights the resiliency and impact of the extensive projects that media assistance actors and donors took in advance of Burma’s 2010 opening. It also serves as a case study in the dangers of supporting captured institutions, such as Burmese state media, when the entities that control those institutions are not committed to a democratic transition. In Burma’s case, the mainstream media reform agenda was guided by influential media development donors that supported government priorities to the detriment of independent journalists and grassroots activists who had an alternative vision for the country’s future. Finally, this briefing looks at two coalitions that undertook major reform campaigns during Burma’s opening, and draws on interviews from 42 people in the sector to outline principles that donors and media assistance organizations might use to navigate the post-coup environment." (Pages 2-3)
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