"Even as a growing number of authoritarian regimes crack down on the political press, business news is thriving. And the coverage is more vigorous than might be expected. Enterprising journalists are exposing mismanagement and unearthing shady business deals, and — even at times exposing official
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corruption — that otherwise might never see the light of day. While other journalists face censorship, jail, or worse, business journalists are eschewing political stories to provide news and statistics on markets, business deals, and international trade. The expansion of economic and business journalism is not a substitute for truly free and independent media. But it is a sign that — even in the most repressive environments — the demand for trustworthy information is strong and growing. And the demand comes not just from investors and citizens trying to keep track of what's going on in these fast-changing markets, but also from governments, who themselves rely on the press for up-to-date information." (Page 1)
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"The study examined various sampled media content and interviewed key informants to understand professional and ethical considerations informing media coverage of terror, religious extremism and radicalisation. From the findings, it is evident that the media somehow contributes to the propagation of
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the dominant narratives that: People of Somali origin are potential terrorists; all Muslims are potential terrorists because most suspects arrested are Muslims; and that Islam preaches and supports radicalisation and extremism, among other narratives. The study reveals that journalists now face serious security risks especially in the coastal region following perceived media biases. In fact, some have been attacked or threatened. The media does not strictly adhere to professional tenets and code of conduct. Some of the noted violations include use of bloody pictures and abhorrent scenes, inability to separate fact from commentary; and use of single news sources which creates impressions of biased reporting. Journalists should equally be careful about words and phrases they use when reporting terrorism and associated issues. They should promote diversity, and have different voices and perspectives on terrorism, religious and radicalisation issues. Consequently, promotion of inter-religious dialogue through the media is important in ensuring a cohesive society. The media should also go beyond superficial reporting and critically interrogate social, economic and political issues and provide a platform for better understanding of the problems that face society." (Executive summary)
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"Se quisermos caracterizar o perfil das fontes às quais os jornalistas recorreram, poder-se-á dizer que esta é masculina, oficial e com fala desenraizada de um lugar geográfico específico – portanto, de nível nacional. É o caso do ministro da Saude, Alexandre Manguele, que é uma fonte reco
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rrente nas notícias por nós analisadas no contexto da greve dos médicos. Observouse também que predominam as fontes oficiais, devido à utilização de comunicados e notas de imprensa emitidos pela Direcção Nacional de Saúde sobre a crise dos medicamentos. O facto de os jornais públicos analisados construírem as notícias sobre a greve dos médicos e a crise dos medicamentos com base em comunicados de imprensa e fontes oficiais, faz com que haja uma replicação do conteúdo dos textos noticiosos de um meio de comunicação para outro. A falta de especialização nas redações e a escassez de tempo podem justificar a confiança dos jornalistas em informação pronta a publicar, previamente preparada por entidades oficiais ou gabinetes de assessoria e relações públicas." (Página 30)
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"Somaliland needs legal, policy and institutional reforms in order to avoid arbitrary and politically motivated interference with the dissemination of information and opinions to the public. This is the conclusion of one of the papers presented at the 4th Annual Conference organized by the Social Re
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search and Development Institute (SORADI). With a focus on media development, the conference in Hargeisa on August 24 and 25 [2013] brought together representatives from government institutions, policy makers, civil society as well as academics, journalists, international scholars, and traditional leaders to discuss, debate and exchange ideas on press freedom in Somaliland's young democracy. With 57 licensed newspapers, 8 TV stations, 108 news websites but only one public radio station the first contribution to the discussion centered on the media industry, its practices and the lack of enforcement of regulatory frameworks. Lessons from what the author of the second paper called "Africa's freedom of speech dilemma" guided the conversation on what there is to learn for Somaliland. Further afield, the third paper dealt with the role of the Diaspora in shaping the media landscape in Somaliland. As part of the discussion on professional media practices, the fourth presentation looked at challenges of Somaliland Universities to offer relevant studies programmes. Debating the intricate issue of balancing rights and responsibilities of media, the fifth paper looked at the performance of the media during the time of elections. The final paper summarised promises and challenges of media freedom in Somaliland." (https://ke.boell.org)
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"In the early 1990s, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa’s most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of
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its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution’s most ambitious goals." (Abstract)
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"Education and language skills are the main factors that influence which platform women access most frequently. Daily TV use is similar for men and women but women tend to lag men in frequent radio and internet use. Once a country reaches a critical mass in mobile penetration, gaps between both male
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and female ownership levels decrease. The largest gaps exist in countries that are still developing mobile capacity." (Summary, page 35)
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"The highly debated Protection of State Information Bill (POSIB) in South Africa represents the first attempt of a sub-Saharan African country to create security legislation which is not based on Colonial law. It can be assumed that this law will have a significant impact on similar legislative refo
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rm processes in neighbouring countries, as South Africa acts as a role model." (KAS website, 21.5.2014)
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"The system of self-regulation for the press was subject to contentious debates in South Africa from 2010 to 2012. The Press Council of South Africa and the accountability mechanism for the press (self-regulation) underwent two separate processes of review during this period, subsequently altering t
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he procedures of the press complaints body to some degree, and replacing the selfregulatory system with one of independent co-regulation. A significant change to the system, in January 2013, was the introduction of the allowance of third-party complaints. In an environment of increasing perceived threats to press freedom from government, and acknowledging the low public profile of the press accountability body, the introduction of third-party complaints enables the raising of public awareness about the purpose of the Press Council of South Africa and its relationship to the defence of press freedom, in a format which was not previously possible." (Abstract)
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"The Ethiopian government, led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has developed one of the most restrictive systems for the regulation of new media in Africa. So far, most discussion has focused on the measures employed by the EPRDF to prevent the Internet and mobile p
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hones from becoming tools for opposition forces to challenge the regime. Much less attention has been paid to the strategies pursued in order to make new media work in support of the government's ambiguous but ambitious attempt to make Ethiopia a developmental state. Examining the period between 1991 and 2012, this article explores how the EPRDF gradually moved from a simple strategy of information control towards incorporating new media into its state- and nation-building efforts through large-scale projects such as Woredanet and Schoolnet. Larger trends at the international level, including the securitization of development and the growing significance of China in Africa, have legitimated the use of the media to serve development outcomes, and have facilitated the spread of the kind of ‘developmental media system’ that has emerged in Ethiopia. The article concludes that only by engaging with these systems on their own terms and “going with the grain” can we develop a better understanding of how they work and how to change them." (Abstract)
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"In a rapidly changing civil-political and socio-economic environment, the internet has emerged as one of the primary mechanisms that influence and continue to redefine the practice of democracy. Internet freedom is therefore an increasingly important safeguard towards advancing not only freedom of
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expression but the broader issues concerning access to information but also its associated rights. This module highlights the evolving exercise of free of expression in a digital world and how this has an influence on open, accountable and sustainable democracy in South Africa." (Preface)
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"This study identifies and critically analyses the major imperial (global and regional) political and economic factors and decisions that influenced and shaped the development of pre-independence radio broadcasting in the Bechuanaland Protectorate. With little or no consideration of the needs of the
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local population, two duelling imperialist powers – Great Britain and the Union of South Africa – negotiated, disagreed, and eventually virtually co- established a centralised, administrative radio network that reflected their own regional ambitions. Based primarily on key official British Protectorate, High Commission and Union government documents obtained from extensive archival research in the Botswana National Archives, a detailed picture emerges of two duelling imperial powers planning for their own divergent regional futures, via the establishment of administrative and political dimensions of radio policies, for a territory which both wished to control for their own purposes. Once Britain had decided against allowing South Africa's annexation of Bechuanaland, radio politics and policies fell more into line with those in other British colonial African and Asian territories, primarily managing perceived anti-colonial nationalist challenges and deterring the perceived threats posed by apartheid- and Cold War-inspired communist influences." (Abstract)
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"This article highlights how one online news organisation in the global south, with no more than three staff and no foreign correspondents, strategically used multiple wire service feeds to successfully cover a significant story more comprehensively than its better-endowed co-owner. It compares the
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timeliness and comprehensiveness of coverage of this century's first genocide in Darfur, Sudan, by the United Kingdom's Guardian (UKG) and its co-owned South African Mail & Guardian Online (MGO). Despite the 3 000 miles distance between Darfur and Johannesburg, its lack of foreign reporters and few staff, the MGO covered the Darfur crisis earlier, with better attention to detail and specifics. The MGO staff expressed surprise at their more comprehensive coverage, and credited the clarity that came from their primary gatekeeping focus on Africa as the reason." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on the psycho-social dimension of the diaspora through an examination of the online news consumption practices of the Zimbabwean diaspora. The objective is to contribute on theoretical debates about the way in which the diaspora imagine their citizenship in the digital age. Dat
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a were elicited through an open-ended questionnaire e-mailed to Zimbabweans in the diaspora selected using the snowball sampling method. In addition, in-depth interviews with five of the respondents based in South Africa were also held to complement the survey data. The article argues that Zimbabwean diaspora use online newspapers to assert their membership to the Zimbabwean political community. This active information-seeking disposition of the diaspora is an affirmation of their loyalty to the homeland regardless of the social, economic and political reality in the homeland. The symbolic assertion of transnational loyalty by the Zimbabwean diaspora to the homeland could be viewed as a performance of patriotic citizenship through seeking of collective identification around the nation state." (Abstract)
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"To better understand who participates in media-driven public discussion and opinion-making, this working paper presents the results of a randomised household survey implemented in four constituencies in Kenya and Zambia, one urban and one rural constituency in each country. The survey was conducted
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as part of Politics and Interactive Media in Africa (PiMA), a collaborative research project analysing the nature and political implications of expressions of public opinion in broadcast media in Kenya and Zambia, via new information and communication technologies (ICT) such as mobile phones. This paper presents descriptive survey results that are the basis of a deeper comparative analysis of drivers of listenership and participation in interactive broadcast media shows, also published in the PiMA Working Paper series. Nevertheless, a few results are highlighted here. The survey reveals that level of radio listenership of interactive shows in the two Kenyan constituencies is high, particularly in Kenya, ranging between 80-90%, whereas in Zambia listenership levels range between 40-60%, contrasting with listenership to radio shows generally (70-85%). Radio listeners tend to listen to all types of shows, from politics and development shows to social/cultural and music/entertainment shows. Yet country differences in interactive show listenership are not reflected in the levels of participation in interactive radio shows. Both in Kenya and in Zambia, roughly 20% of the total population have participated at one time or another in interactive shows. However, contrasting with listenership, participation tends to be more segmented across types of shows. Rural and urban constituencies show an inverse pattern of participation in Kenya and Zambia, with higher levels of participation in the urban sample from Zambia (21% versus 12% in the rural), and the rural sample from Kenya (21% versus 19% in the urban). Across the four sites, male and more educated listeners are more likely to engage interactive shows. Three to four times more men engage in interactive shows than women. Of the women who participate in interactive shows, they tend to be younger, single, more educated and wealthier compared with those who do not participate. Calling in to the studio is the most frequent form of engagement in radio shows, especially in rural areas. SMS is more popular in urban constituencies, particularly in Kenya. Only 10% of those who have participated in interactive media shows have ever used social media to communicate with stations. Across all sites, the main barriers to participation identified are cost and expectations of not getting through." (Abstract and introduction, page 4)
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"On 1 August 2013, heavy rains in the Sudan triggered flash floods that affected more than 530 000 citizens. The government failed to aid those affected and created a media blackout. More than 12 000 Sudanese volunteers created a horizontal network of citizens participating in a community-led initia
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tive. The Nafeer campaign united the fragmented discourse, demonstrating that using ICTs to mobilise citizens is not contingent on the number of people with access, but on how access is channeled." (Abstract)
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"This publication analyzes the ways in which health services, public health administration, and healthcare policies are managed in developing countries and how intercultural, intergroup, and mass communication practices are weakening those efforts. If developing countries are to reach their developm
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ent goals, their leaders must have a firm understanding of the impact of infectious diseases on their people and take prompt action to fix socioeconomic issues arising from the problems associated with poor health practices. Drawing on experiences from international health organizations such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), commissioned in poor countries to assist national governments in improving the wellbeing of their citizens, this volume analyzes maternal and child mortality and the spread of infectious diseases, and offers communication strategies for the management of malaria, HIV Aids, Polio, tuberculosis, and others in Somalia, Madagascar, Ghana, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and India." (Publisher description)
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