"In terms of professional role orientations, Filipino journalists found it most important to report things as they are, educate the audience, and advocate for social change. Most journalists were in strong agreement in the importance of these roles, as reflected by the relatively low standard deviat
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ions. In contrast, there were significant disagreements in the roles that were ranked the least important: providing entertainment and relaxation, being an adversary of the government, supporting government policy, and conveying a positive image of political leadership. A majority of journalists in the Philippines also found it important to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, let people express their views, monitor and scrutinize political leaders, provide information people need to make political decisions, and provide analysis of current affairs." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"Citizen Media and Public Spaces presents a pioneering exploration of citizen media as a highly interdisciplinary domain that raises vital political, social and ethical issues relating to conceptions of citizenship and state boundaries, the construction of publics and social imaginaries, processes o
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f co-optation and reverse co-optation, power and resistance, the ethics of witnessing and solidarity, and novel responses to the democratic deficit. Framed by a substantial introduction by the editors, the twelve contributions to the volume interrogate the concept of citizen media theoretically and empirically, and offer detailed case studies that extend from the UK to Russia and Bulgaria and from China to Denmark and the liminal spaces within which a growing number of refugees now live. A rich new domain of scholarship and practice emerges out of the studies presented. Citizen media is shown to embrace both physical and digital interventions in public space, as well as the sets of values and agendas that influence and drive the practices and discourses through which individuals and collectives position themselves within and in relation to society and participate in the creation of diverse publics." (Publisher description)
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"In 2006, Chinese officials revealed an extensive plan to increase the nation’s soft power in Africa through a number of initiatives to increase the presence and relevance of Chinese media in Africa. However, the question remains: Has China been successful in enhancing its soft power via its news
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media expansion in the African region? Although it is easy to find sweeping proclamations regarding the popularity of Chinese media throughout Africa, there have been limited efforts to systematically measure the effect of these media on African public opinion toward China. This study seeks to fill this void. Using Pew Global Attitudes Project data, I explore correlations between attitudes toward China and the extent of the Chinese media presence across six African nations in 2013. In addition, to better test for a causal effect of the post-2006 expansion, I employ a second analysis in which I compare these relationships in 2007 with these same relationships in 2013. By comparing changes in these relationships over time, this analysis provides tentative empirical support that the sweeping efforts undertaken to expand the reach and relevance of Chinese media in Africa have moved African public opinion in the desired direction." (Abstract)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Chinese journalists found it most important to report things as they are, to provide analysis of current affairs, to support national development, to provide advice, orientation and direction for daily life, and to be a detached observer. The relevanc
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e of these “classic” roles such as “to report things as they are” and “to provide analysis of current affairs” was fairly undisputed among the interviewed journalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate. Likewise, there was a strong consensus among the respondents over the importance of supporting national development. Still, a majority of journalists in China found it important to provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience, to let people express their views, to influence public opinion, and to support government policy. The most disputative role is to be an adversary of the government (s=1.32), which is also the least supportive role. Another highly disputative role is to convey a positive image of political leadership (s=1.16). Except for the roles of supporting national development and supporting government policy, other politically more assertive roles were not widely supported, such as setting the political agenda, motivating people to participate in political activity, and monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"Respondents believed that their primary role was to monitor and scrutinize political leaders, followed closely by reporting facts as they are. Yet only half found either of these to be ‘extremely’ or ‘very important’. They were also keen that everyday people should be allowed to express the
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ir views through the national media, and that the media should broaden the readers’ horizons. To promote tolerance and cultural diversity was an important journalistic role as well, concomitant with Singapore’s conscious and consistent effort to foster harmony among the diverse races and religions that constitute the population. At the bottom end of the table, respondents did not see that providing advice for daily life, entertainment and relaxation was a significant journalistic role. These are, perhaps, values more associated with lifestyle magazines, and this may reflect a division of labor in the minds of the newsworkers." (Journalistic roles, page 1)
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"Hong Kong journalists treated as most important the roles of monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders, reporting things as they are, monitoring and scrutinizing businesses, providing analysis of current affairs, and letting people express their views. Given the emphasis on monitoring the power
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holders, “to be a detached observer” was treated as important only by slightly more than half of the respondents. Twelve of the 18 roles included in the questionnaire were treated as important by fewer than half of the respondents. About one-third saw the advocacy role of the press as important, and about three in ten saw setting the political agenda and motivating people to participate in politics as important. The Hong Kong journalists were least likely to see conveying a positive image of political leadership, supporting government policy, providing entertainment and relaxation, and supporting national development as important roles. However, the percentage of journalists seeing the press as an adversary of the government is also low (14.4%). It indicates that the Hong Kong journalists saw themselves as an independent watchdog without being an adversary to the power holders." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"This book addresses the persistence of the optical media piracy trade in the Philippines and Vietnam. It goes beyond arguments of defective law enforcement and copyright legal systems by applying sociological perspectives to examine the socio-economic forces behind the advent of piracy in the regio
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n. Using documentary and ethnographic data, in addition to resistance and ecological theories in sociology of law and technology as the overall theoretical framework, the book investigates factors that contribute to this phenomenon and factors that impede the full formalization of the optical media trade in the two countries. These factors include the government's attitude towards the informal sector and strong resistance to tougher IPR protection, unstable and sometimes conflicting policies on technologies, burdensome business registration process and weak enforcement of business regulations, bureaucratic corruption and loopholes in law enforcement system as well as trade ties with China. In addition to that, the book highlights the social background of the actors behind the illegal business of counterfeit CDs and DVDs, thereby explaining the reasons they continue to persist in this type of trade. It invites policymakers, law enforcers, advocates of anti-piracy groups, and the general public to use a more holistic lens in understanding the persistence of copyright piracy in developing countries, shifting the blame from the moral defect of the traders to the current problematic copyright policy and enforcement structure, and the difficulty of crafting effective anti-piracy measures in a constantly evolving and advancing technological environment." (Publisher description)
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"Journalists in Malaysia view educating the audience, reports things as they are, promote tolerance, tell stories about the world, and cultural diversity and be a detached observer as their main roles (see Table 1). On the other hand, they did not indicate highly as their roles such as setting of po
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litical agenda, conveying a positive image of political leadership and motivate people to participate in political activity. In between those two “group” of roles, they would provide analysis of current affairs, provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience. They also support national development and provide information people need to make political decisions." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"The contributors to The Media and Religious Authority examine the ways in which new centers of power and influence are emerging as religions seek to "brand" themselves in the media age. Putting their in-depth, incisive studies of particular instances of media production and reception in Asia, Afric
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a, Latin America, and North America into conversation with one another, the volume explores how evolving mediations of religion in various places affect the prospects, aspirations, and durability of religious authority across the globe." (Publisher description)
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"This study aims to examine the pastoral situations of Wenzhou Diocese, to evaluate the formation for laity in Wenzhou Diocese under pastoral communication perspective, to find its positive and critical signs, as well as to analyze the pastoral needs, which leads to integrate pastoral communication
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in lay formation. The survey result shows that “Xue Xi Ban” (Basic Ecclesial Community in Wenzhou context) helps laity in Wenzhou to know Catholic faith, to live as Christian, to have sense of belonging, and to exercise their vocation and mission. The lack of Catechists, the study content, need for community building, and missing structural support, are the critical signs of “Xue Xi Ban”, which indicates the pastoral needs for lay formation. These needs are categorized as the need of strengthening pastoral communication in ministry (Preaching, Catechesis, Liturgy, Biblical Apostolate, and Service), the need of formation for catechists, and the need of means of social communication. This study also finds out seven challenges for lay formation: the Atheistic approach, the political pressure, the threat of Materialism, the impact of migration, the family problem, the division among the Catholic Church, and lack witness of life. The pastoral needs and challenges demand an emphasis on pastoral communication. By using the “Wenzhou Model of development”, the research explores the possibilities of integrating pastoral communication in lay formation, which includes to make a five-year pastoral plan, to promote Basic Ecclesial Community, to use possible agents for lay formation, and to create possible programs for lay formation." (Abstract)
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"This article introduces the concept of infrastructural action and argues that it serves as a useful analytical tool to understand hacking in the Global South. Infrastructural action consists of the delicate ways in which people establish sociotechnical connections when located along the margins of
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global modernity. In Vietnam, hacking is situated within the illicit circulations of global commodities. These circulations form pervasive infrastructures for clandestine importation of "handcarried" goods into the country. Embedded within these circulations, hacking consists of a strategy for breaking into global techno-culture rather than breaking out of sociotechnical limitations. By contextualizing hacking within the larger dilemmas of distance within global integration, this notion of infrastructural action serves as a critique of the techno-political ethos of transgression typical of hacking discourses in the global North." (Abstract)
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"The Myanmar media industry reflects global trends to the extent that women are strongly represented in newsrooms in terms of numbers but media institutions remain significantly male-dominated at the decision making level. Safety is a major concern for women media professionals within the workplace
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as well as on their assignments. Prejudice, discrimination in participation of advanced training (safety etc.) and sexual harassment are obstacles that hinder women from working on equal footing with men. A majority of women journalists’ careers appeared to end with marriage and/or childbirth. A majority of the respondents agreed that re-entry after childbirth was difficult for women journalists." (Key findings, page 7-8)
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"The first book in Why We Post, a book series that investigates the findings of nine anthropologists who each spent 15 months living in communities across the world, including Brazil, Chile, China, England, India, Italy, Trinidad and Turkey. This book offers a comparative analysis summarising the re
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sults of the research and exploring the impact of social media on politics and gender, education and commerce. What is the result of the increased emphasis on visual communication? Are we becoming more individual or more social? Why is public social media so conservative? Why does equality online fail to shift inequality offline? How did memes become the moral police of the internet? Supported by an introduction to the project’s academic framework and theoretical terms that help to account for the findings, the book argues that the only way to appreciate and understand something as intimate and ubiquitous as social media is to be immersed in the lives of the people who post. Only then can we discover how people all around the world have already transformed social media in such unexpected ways and assess the consequences." (Back cover)
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"Only one out of ten Mongolian media outlets is actively transparent about its ownership. A majority of them has political affiliations through their founders and / or owners. This limits the important role of media to act as an independent watchdog for democracy. These are some of the main findings
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of the Media Ownership Monitor Mongolia, jointly carried out with the Press Institute of Mongolia, from September to December 2016." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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