"Culture of Memory in South Asia reconfigures European representations of India as a paradigmatic extension of a classical reading, which posits the relation between text and context in a determined way. It explores the South Asian cultural response to European “textual” inheritances. The main a
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rgument of this work is that the reflective and generative nodes of Indian cultural formations are located in the configurations of memory, the body and idiom (verbal and visual), where the body or the body complex becomes the performative effect and medium of articulated memories. This work advances its arguments by engaging with mnemocultures-cultures of memory that survive and proliferate in speech and gesture. Drawing on Sanskrit and Telugu reflective sources, this work emphasizes the need to engage with cultural memory and the compositional modes of Indian reflective traditions." (Publisher description)
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"This study constitutes the attempt to draw some initial conclusions from the work conducted by DW Akademie and other media development organizations in the past. It aims at a better understanding of which public service functions former state broadcasters can provide at all and which approaches of
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media development actors have proved to be successful.
Reforming of state mouthpieces into public service media can indeed be achieved. This is one of the most important findings of this study. DW Akademie researchers here present examples of media outlets that fulfill their public service remit of creating a public sphere and supporting integration to a substantial degree. Even among the success stories, not all the media outlets studied here have adopted a public service ethos to its full extent. Their work, however, improved considerably. In assisting reform, media development actors were thus able to enhance the public’s freedom of expression as well as its access to information – two basic human rights we see as important prerequisites for peace and democracy. On the other hand, this study shows how difficult and complex transformation is. State media are often highly politicized. Successful transformation, therefore, requires support of a lot of different actors: the political elite, civil society, the management of the broadcaster, its staff, and last but certainly not least, the public as a whole. It is vital that media development actors identify windows of opportunity and profit from them in order to propel change forward.
At the same time, this study demonstrates that media development organizations have to think beyond their traditional fields of expertise: capacity development and newsroom consultancy. A much broader approach is needed if substantial and sustainable development is to be achieved. DW Akademie is currently implementing a new, more complex strategy for successful media development cooperation that takes this into account. Political and legal frameworks have become a strategic area of activity. Other equally important areas comprise qualifications, professionalism, and economic sustainability of the media sector, participation in society, and digital change. With regard to public broadcasting, political and legal frameworks are especially important in order to ensure editorial independence of former state broadcasters. Furthermore, media development actors have to engage more in organizational development. Therefore, at the end of this study, we dedicate a whole chapter to this question.
This study of selected media outlets from twelve countries does not attempt to provide a final answer to the question of successful public service transformation. It aims at giving an overview of what has been achieved in practical work in this field in the course of the past years. More research is needed to understand which steps of reform are needed for a genuine transformation that is sustainable in the long term. The media are undergoing crucial developments. Digital change, convergence, and social media have increased pluralism of opinion substantially in many parts of the world. At the same time, the media face new challenges with respect to their economic sustainability. The notion of public service media that offer a model for providing journalistic quality without financial dependence deserves further thought." (Preface)
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"Leading media scholars from nine Asian nations focus on three main questions: How frequently do Asians use social media to access and discuss political information? Does the use of social media increase political participation? What political, social and cultural factors influence the impact of soc
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ial media on political engagement in each nation? To answer these questions, contributors first analyze the current state of social media in their nations and then present the findings of a cross-national survey on social media use that was conducted with over 3,500 Asian respondents. By employing a comparative approach, they analyze how social media function and interact with the cultural and political systems in each country - and how they might affect political engagement among individual citizens." (Back cover)
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"We are pleased to be sharing with you the second yearbook on media and information literacy and intercultural dialogue. The first MILID Yearbook was published in June 2013 [...] The theme of the 2014 Yearbook is Global Citizenship in a Digital World. Global citizenship assumes ease of participation
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in global spaces in which persons are media and information literate and are equipped with competencies and attitudes to deal with the multi-faceted nature of a mediated world in which information is no longer bound by space or time. The unprecedented access to and use of media and Internet technologies for communication and collaboration especially among youth, suggest that effective strategies must be found to enable active critical inquiry and effective media production." (Foreword, page 7)
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"The paper synthesises findings from quantitative and qualitative data from across African, Asian and Middle Eastern countries. The second section draws on baseline data from Bangladesh, Burma, Kenya, Nepal, Nigeria, Palestinian Territories and Sierra Leone to explore the media and governance contex
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ts in the countries where we work. The third part then summarises what we are learning about who is being reached by BBC Media Action interventions. The fourth section, firstly, reports regression analysis conducted on baseline data from Sierra Leone and midline data from Kenya to build up evidence on the impact of debate and discussion programmes on audiences’ political knowledge and participation. Then findings are presented from a qualitative study assessing how Nigerian drama Story Story is promoting dialogue as a means of reducing conflict. Comparing findings across countries is helping us to learn more about the governance and media contexts in which we work and inform programming. A first glance at key governance outcomes across countries attests to the centrality of country context in shaping how political knowledge, discursive participation, political participation and interest in politics relate to each other. Disaggregating these outcomes by demographic variables underlines the importance of gender in structuring them, with women reporting lower levels of political knowledge and interest in politics, and discussing and participating in politics less than men. However, disaggregating political participation by income reveals less consistent results: in Nigeria and Bangladesh, those with more resources are more likely to participate, whereas in Kenya and Sierra Leone, those with more resources and less likely to participate." (Executive summary)
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"From Tehran to Tahrir Square to Gezi Park-to mention only three key sites of protest made prominent in 2013-social media has been lauded as one of the key factors enabling popular uprisings and social movements. This has provided further hype for new or digital media, which were already being toute
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d as a tool for social change, liberation, and the representation of marginalized or oppressed voices. In this essay, I argue not against new media per se but against technological determinism and fetishism. I argue that the transformative or repressive potential of different media changes dramatically across different sites of research and depends on the sociopolitical realities of the region being studied, including factors such as censorship, access, and infrastructure. Drawing on my research in Afghanistan, Iran, and Tajikistan, among other neighboring countries, I show the striking differences in the degree of effectiveness and ineffectiveness of different media in bringing about social change in those respective countries as well as regionally. Comparatively speaking, I focus on television and social media's catalytic role in stirring popular uprisings and the subsequent backlash and attack on those media. I also examine the gendered dimensions and dangers of media use and activism. In the case of Afghanistan, I consider the impact of international and transnational funding of media and human rights efforts. I conclude that in order for international interventions into local social movements to succeed, international experts in development, human rights, and media must take the lead from local residents and contexts, technologically and culturally, and work collaboratively with them." (Abstract)
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"With essays on audiences in ancient Greece, early modern Germany, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia, Zimbabwe, contemporary Egypt, Bengali India, China, Taiwan, and immigrant diaspora in Belgium, each chapter examines the ways in which audiences are embedded in discourses of power, representation, and
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regulation in different yet overlapping ways according to specific socio-historical contexts." (Publisher description)
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"This report: 1. Defines “information ecosystems” and proposes an analytic framework of eight critical dimensions for understanding them; 2. Analyzes information ecosystems across a spectrum of change and their impact on resilience, referencing four case studies of Internews’ previous work [In
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stability and Underdevelopment in Fata, Pakistan; East Japan Earthquake 2011; Myanmar's Democratization and Opening; Three Environmental Disasters in Indonesia]; 3. Shares insights from the Jakarta Information Ecosystems pilot, which investigated the relevance of information ecosystems to communities living in chronically flood-prone environments; and 4. Reveals the utility of an information ecosystems approach and highlights preliminary conclusions on why information matters for resilience." (Page 2)
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"This chapter will focus on the theorizing of communication and social change. It will argue that theory must enable people to know the world. It will also argue the limits to token participation and the unsustainability of "behavioral change communication'' that is theorized outside of structures,
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power flows, and cultures. Using the Right to Information movement in India as a case study, this chapter will explore grounded meanings of "voice" and "participation'' and will argue the need for a theory of communication for social change that is informed by people's needs and struggles. If theory is a set of principles informed by and drawn from observations of everyday needs and practice, its explanatory power is bound to remain consistent over time. Theory offers us a framework for knowing the world and the validation of concepts that are critical to apprehending and making sense of reality. I argue in this chapter that the Right to Information movement in India gives opportunities to explore communication and social change theory from the bottom up." (Abstract)
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"Nationally, Turkish media consumers fall into three basic groups: About half (48.0%) tend to only watch TV news; about one-third (32.0%) mostly watch TV and use the Internet to get news, and two in 10 (20.0%) are “super users” who get news from a variety of media platforms. Super-users are more
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likely to be male, young, highly educated, and to live in urban areas." (Page 1)
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"Campaigns and movements targeting corruption often face decentralized targets rather than an identifiable dictator or external government, and can be found both in undemocratic and democratic systems. Graft and abuse are manifested in a systemic manner rather than a hodgepodge collection of illicit
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transactions. Consequently, this research brings to light new applications of civil resistance beyond the more commonly known cases against occupations, such as the Indian independence movement, and authoritarian regimes from Chile to Poland. It also expands our understanding about the dynamics of how people collectively wield nonviolent power for the common good. The focus of this research is on citizen agency: what civic actors and regular people—organized together and exerting their collective power—are doing to curb corruption as they define and experience it. Hence, the analytical framework is based on the skills, strategies, objectives, and demands of such initiatives, rather than on the phenomenon of corruption itself, which has been judiciously studied for more than two decades by scholars and practitioners from the anticorruption and development realms. I selected cases that met the following criteria: they were “popular” initiatives. They were civilian-based, involved grassroots participation, and were led and implemented by individuals from the civic realm, rather than governments or external actors, such as donors, development institutions, and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs); they were nonviolent. They did not threaten or use violence to further their aims; they involved some degree of organization and planning, which varied depending on the scope—objectives, geographical range, duration—of the civic initiative; multiple nonviolent actions were employed (thus, instances of one-off demonstrations or spontaneous protests were not considered); objectives and demands were articulated; the civic initiative was sustained over a period of time." (Introduction, pages 2-3)
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Key findings include: 35% of people interviewed had family members working outside of Nepal; 86% of households had a working mobile phone (92.5% in urban; 84.3% in rural areas); 49% had a working television (79.5% in urban; 42.3% in rural areas); 45% a working radio (46.1% in urban; 45.3% in rural a
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reas); 10% a computer (24.6% in urban; 6.5% in rural areas); 5% the internet (16.1% in urban; 3.1% in rural areas); Men are more likely to listen to the radio than women, but on average 46% of people never listen to the radio. For 79% of these people, it is because they don't have a radio; For those who do listen to the radio, 62% like news programmes best, followed by 27% preferring music shows. Only 1% said they liked drama programmes the most; Of the 12% of people who use the internet (23% urban; 10% rural), 88% access it on their mobile phone, and 92% use it for social media; 38% of people's mobile phone is a smart phone (55% in urban areas, 36% in rural areas); Overall, radio was regarded as the most trustworthy media, and 38% said that radio was their preferred medium for obtaining news and information. This was different in rural areas, where 41% quoted radio, and 22% said TV, to urban areas, where 22% said radio and 39% said TV; The most important topic people wanted to hear/read about was news about Nepal (54%).
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"Three former Soviet republics occupy Central Asia's Ferghana Valley, a region of serious transborder environmental problems, especially ones that involve water and energy. Most news organizations in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan provide little in-depth coverage of these issues. Journalists
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in one country usually do not seek news sources in the others. Journalists and media experts cite such reasons as avoidance of controversy, self-censorship, lack of access to information, little collaboration, inadequate professional skills, and weak minority-language media." (Abstract)
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"The purpose of this handbook is to highlight achievements, as well as ongoing efforts and future plans, in improving information delivery to and communication with affected communities. This guide highlights the lack of critical information in emergency response and what needs to be done to ensure
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that affected populations, especially marginalized groups, can make informed decisions. While focusing on communications activities during the emergency and early recovery stages, it looks at ways to redress the information gap between the ever-growing number of aid providers and that of humanitarian assistance recipients. The authors argue that when crisis or disaster strikes, communities are not only in need of assistance – for example, in the form of shelter, food and water – but also of information that would enable them to make informed decisions that ultimately ensure their safety and survival. This guide draws upon lessons learned from a number of natural disasters, but is primarily based on the experience and work of the Humanitarian communications Unit of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Pakistan." (Foreword, page vii)
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"Just 18.1% of Pakistanis say they follow current events about the country “a lot,” but almost half (47.7%) follow current events “somewhat.” About one-third report being less attentive, following current events “very little” (29.6%) or “not at all” (4.6%). Results trend upward with
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education level; 30.0% of those with an intermediate education or more say they follow current events a lot. As in many predominantly Muslim countries, interest in media coverage of religious issues is widespread in Pakistan; 78.4% of adults are very or somewhat interested in the topic, with little variation by gender or education. Pakistanis also tend to be attracted to news about domestic politics (67.6%), with men and better-educated residents being most likely to express interest. At least six in 10 Pakistanis overall are interested in three topics with direct relevance to their daily lives: health and healthcare (64.6%), education (60.7%) and human rights (59.8%). Science, technology and IT issues are least likely to elicit interest, though young adults are somewhat more likely than those 25 and older to be interested in these topics." (Page 1)
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"This report offers a fresh perspective on the information and media landscape in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It presents insights into the human impacts of information challenges and articulates opportunities to design development programming. By bringing a ground-level
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, human understanding to the complex dynamics of conflict in the region, this report seeks to supplement other analyses conducted through geopolitical, historical, or security lenses." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Ethnische Medien in Deutschland befinden sich in einer Nischenökonomie und sind aufgrund der mangelnden Einbindung in den deutschen Medienmarkt informellen Strukturen unterworfen. Die Schattenwirtschaft der ethnischen Medien in Deutschland mündet demzufolge in einen Schlamassel. Diese Studie befa
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sst sich mit den Strukturmerkmalen des deutsch-türkischen Fernsehmarktes auf der Basis ausgewählter türkischer Fernsehsender. Grundlage dieser empirischen Untersuchung sind fünf Akteure, die spezielle Fernsehprogramme für türkische Rezipienten auf dem deutsch-türkischen Fernsehmarkt anbieten. Das Ziel der Untersuchung besteht darin, herauszufinden, aus welchen Motiven die ausgewählten Fernsehsender eine Präsenz auf dem deutsch-türkischen Fernsehmarkt anstreben und welche Strategien sie verfolgen, um ihre politischen und unternehmerischen Ziele zu verwirklichen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This article explores the suppression of press freedoms in Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government in the late 2000s. Drawing upon analyses of laws and legislation, surveys, reports, and interviews with journalists, it demonstrates how press censorship in Turkey has been act
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ivated through a dispersed network of state power, commercial forces, and self-Censorship. The article brings together critical analyses of state power, surveillance, corporate media, and self-Censorship, and sheds light on the AKP's financial sanctions on media conglomerates, its instrumentalization of a major political investigation known as the Ergenekon, and its crackdown on Kurdish journalists on charges of terrorism." (Abstract)
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"Im Mittelpunkt dieses Bandes steht die Thematisierung des Islam im zeitgenössischen Spielfilm: konkret das Aufeinanderprallen von islamischer und westlicher Kultur, sowohl im arabischen Raum, in der Türkei oder im Nahen Osten als auch in Westeuropa. Im Zentrum steht damit auch das Spannungsfeld z
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wischen Islam und Moderne beziehungsweise die Frage nach der Artikulation muslimischer Identität im europäischen Kontext. Wie wird der Islam im Film thematisiert und wie kommen Muslime heute im Kino vor? Welcher Blick bestimmt die filmische Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Weltreligion? Welche Bilder sind überhaupt angemessen? Wie werden die tatsächlichen Konflikte angesprochen? Welche Rolle spielt dabei die Religion? Und was bedeutet das für die Beziehungen des Islam zu den anderen Religionen, insbesondere zum Christentum? Die jeweiligen Fragen werden sowohl aus kultur- beziehungsweise religionswissenschaftlicher als auch aus theologischer Sicht bearbeitet." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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