"Reported here are findings from a study of the frequency and content of messaging on various themes on Russian television. The goal of this approach is not necessarily to re-create Russians' viewing habits, though one might reasonably assume that more frequently mentioned topics are more likely to
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have been viewed or noticed. Rather, the frequency and distribution of topics over time reveal the extent to which state-controlled television presented a coordinated campaign. In the absence of reliable public opinion data in war-time Russia, such an approach further suggests insights about the ways that Russians were prepared for and reacted to the onset of war. Despite Russia's insistence that its invasion was motivated by longstanding concerns-genocide and fascism in Ukraine-the findings show that Russian television only paid brief attention to those concerns and quickly re-focused on other themes. Rather, the priming of the public for war began over a month prior to the invasion with the spread of "war talk" on television broadcasts." (Page 1)
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"This paper begins by describing hybrid information ecosystems and their role in sustained peace processes. Public interest news media is essential for democratic decision-making and successful peace processes. Digital media interacts with legacy media, such as radio, television, and newspapers. Ult
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imately, solutions require supporting both online and offline public interest news media. Next the paper maps digital risks. Both state and non-state political actors are weaponizing tech platforms which by their very design tend to amplify divisive and antagonistic content. The digital space can dramatically increase risks by enabling the rapid spread of false information aimed at undermining an election or referendum. Digital risks likely outweigh the current contributions of the digital space to peace, as illustrated in a variety of case studies in this paper. Digital risks to sustained public peace processes likely outweigh the current contributions of the digital space to peace. This brief then reviews how digital tools and spaces can contribute to sustained public peace processes. This section explores conflict analysis, information ecosystem analysis, planning interventions, and a review of the types of digital tech tools and approaches useful for peace processes. New digital forms of communication can scale public inclusion and improve efficiencies in peace processes. Digital spaces can transform how people share information and communicate with one another. Digital spaces can offer more inclusive and equitable avenues for participation and can incentivize the development of policy options. The final section of the paper identifies trade-offs and dilemmas, practical strategies for analysing and intervening in digital spaces, and policy recommendations to governments, tech companies and civil society groups on a variety of themes." (Introduction)
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"Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine im Februar 2022 nutzen Rechtsextreme die Ereignisse und Entwicklungen für ihre Propaganda. Dabei lassen sich sowohl pro-ukrainische als auch prorussische Positionierungen beobachten. Insbesondere werden gezielt Desinformationen und Versch
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wörungserzählungen verbreitet. Eine zentrale Plattform stellt Telegram dar: Rechtsextreme und verschwörungsideologische Akteur:innen können hier ungestört ihre Propaganda betreiben, meist ohne Löschungen befürchten zu müssen." (Seite 2)
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"Which functions do social media fill for non-state armed groups in countries with internal armed conflict? Building on conflict data, interviews and media monitoring, we have reviewed the use of social media by Myanmar’s nine most powerful armed groups. The first finding is that they act like sta
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tes, using social media primarily to communicate with their constituents. Second, they also use social media as a tool of armed struggle, for command and control, intelligence, denunciation of traitors, and attacks against adversaries. Third, social media serves for national and international outreach. Like Myanmar’s national army, the armed groups have combined prudent official pages with an underworld of more reckless profiles and closed groups that often breach Facebook’s official community standards. In February 2019, when Facebook excluded four groups from its platform, they lost much of their ability to reach out and act like states. Yet they kept a capacity to communicate with their constituents through closed groups, individual profiles and sophisticated use of links and shares. Finally, the article affirms that the Facebook company, in the years 2018–2020, took upon itself a role as an arbiter within Myanmar’s internal conflicts, deciding what information was allowed and disallowed." (Abstract)
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"Controversy Mapping is the first book to introduce readers to the observation and representation of contested issues on digital media. Drawing on actor-network theory and digital methods, Venturini and Munk outline the conceptual underpinnings and the many tools and techniques of controversy mappin
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g. They review its history in science and technology studies, discuss its methodological potential, and unfold its political implications. Through a range of cases and examples, they demonstrate how to chart actors and issues using digital fieldwork and computational techniques." (Back cover)
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"The book was born out of the need to understand and convey the experience of journalists who testified before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Aiming to shed light on the insufficiently researched role of journalists and newspaper material before the ICTY, Media
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centar Sarajevo’s research team gathered and analyzed 2,760 evidence items from the Hague Tribunal court records, while the experiences of 14 journalists who testified before the Hague Tribunal were recorded through in-depth interviews." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing on cultural trauma theory, this book investigates how collective memory of the Nanjing Massacre [by Japanese troops against the residents of Nanjing, China, during the Second Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945] is fashioned in China and how the mass media, political power and public praxis jointl
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y shape the politics and culture of memory in contemporary China. Allowing for the dimensions of history and different mediating spaces, the authors first conduct textual analysis of news reports from traditional media since the event took place, revealing that the significance of the massacre was initially portrayed as a local incident before its construction as a national trauma and finally a collective memory. In a study of physical and online memorial spaces, including the Memorial Hall, commemorative activities on the Internet and new media platforms, the book unveils the production and reproduction of trauma narratives as well as how these narratives have been challenged. The final part further studies the interactions between media and other institutional settings while exploring issues of global memory and reconciliation in East Asia." (Publisher description)
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"This corpus-based discourse study briefly reviews the activities of Boko Haram and the conflict between the nomadic herdsmen and sedentary agrarian farmers of north-central and southern Nigeria. But the study focuses on the representations of the main actors in the conflict and the conflict itself
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in the Western media and the Nigerian press, and examines the ideological implications of these representations as well as the possible consequences of some particular evaluations of the conflicts for peace and security in Nigeria. The article’s findings show that the constructions of the conflict and the main actors in the Nigerian press are highly sensational, divisive and dangerous. While the foreign press appears much more objective and often constructs the conflict as ‘deadlier than Boko Haram’, the reports still appear to minimize the seriousness of the conflict and construct the actions of the main actors from a perspective that would appeal only to foreign audiences." (Abstract)
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"When conflicts emerge the media often become, intended or not, a key actor. It is through media that every party within a conflict attempts to convey its own narrative, contributing to a complex reality that affects journalists’ work in many different ways. This article aims to reflect on Bläsi
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s (2004) factors of influence on conflict coverage in the context of media development in Burkina Faso and the Central African Republic. Developed from a western standpoint on war reporters covering foreign conflicts, we propose to adapt this model to ‘local’ contexts in order to provide a more holistic analysis of journalism in conflict settings, but also to propose entry points for constructive coordination among multiple media development actors. In this article, we discuss the audience dimension, the pressure put through lobbies, the journalists’ personal features, the situation on-site, structural factors referring to the broader media and information system, and the political climate. We strive to offer a critique so as to adapt to the relevance of ‘local’ journalists living and reporting in conflict-affected areas, in which media development assistance often takes place, in opposition to international foreign correspondents that are deployed to cover far-away violent conflicts." (Abstract)
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"This article explains why Iran was unsuccessful in its efforts to persuade Shi'i Iraqis to support Iran during the critical early years of the Iran–Iraq war. Analysis of Iranian and Iraqi framing communicated to that target population shows Iran failed due to both structural and cultural factors.
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Its media strategy lacked reach and variety and it misunderstood the cultural identity of Shi'i Iraqis. The author makes use of original archive material of radio transcripts from 1981–1983 as well as other primary sources and historical accounts. The research makes an original theoretical contribution by applying media contest theory to a military confrontation between two sovereign states, rather than between a state ‘authority’ facing a non-state ‘challenger’. The findings have implications for considering how Iran today may communicate more effectively beyond its borders through regional media strategies and thus the viability of a mediatized Shi'ism." (Abstract)
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"The overall objective of this UNESCO project is to strengthen the resilience of societies to potentially harmful content spread online, in particular hate speech inciting violence while protecting freedom of expression and enhancing the promotion of peace through digital technologies, notably socia
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l media. The project runs from January 2021 - December 2023. There are four (4) pilot countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia, Indonesia, and Kenya. The lessons learnt at the local level will feed-in for the global discussion at the international level." (Publisher description)
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"This book traverses the cultural landscape of Colombia through in-depth analyses of displacement, local and global cultures, human rights abuses, and literary and media production. Through an exploration of the cultural processes that perpetuate the "darker side" of Latin America for global consump
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tion, it investigates the "condition" that has led writers, filmmakers, and artists to embrace (purposefully or not) the incessant violence in Colombian society as the object of their own creative endeavors. In this examination of mass-marketed cultural products such as narcostories, captivity memoirs, gritty travel narratives, and films, Herrero-Olaizola seeks to offer a hemispheric approach to the role played by Colombia in cultural production across the continent where the illicit drug trade has made significant inroads. To this end, he identifies the "Colombian condition" within the parameters of the global economy while concentrating on the commodification of Latin America's violence for cultural consumption." (Publisher description)
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"Este trabajo tiene como objetivo central el análisis de dos proyectos transmedia latinoamericanos en el marco de la no ficción, circunscritos desde el método del estudio de casos y la aplicación de elementos de la teoría del actor-red, donde las relaciones, la conformación de grupos sociales
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que experimentaron realidades, llegan a gestar el valor de agenciamiento, como un enfoque que expande y contribuye a la comprensión y sostenibilidad de la historia y la experiencia en el tiempo del proyecto transmedia. El nivel de impacto en la audiencia de estos dos sistemas narrativos [Proyecto Quipu, Peru; Proyecto 4Ríos, Colombia] permitió apuntalar sus realidades desde la articulación de acciones de lucha social dentro y fuera de la red, ubicando sus temáticas en agendas políticas y periodísticas locales e internacionales. Impactos que se retoman a la luz de las características de los formatos de la transmedia de no ficción y sus potencialidades cocreativas, con el fin de dinamizar las relaciones sociales y activar la comunicación participativa dentro del ecosistema digital." (Resumen)
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"Violent extremism (VE) threatens global security. Efforts to counter VE have focused on identifying factors that pull and push toward extremism. However, identifying individual and community qualities that buffer against VE remains insufficient and needs improvement. This review aimed to identify l
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inks between resilience and VE. A systematic review of systematic reviews (SR-SR) using the Campbell Collaboration review methodology was conducted. A 5-stage search of 12 databases yielded 17 systematic reviews with more than 2800 records. After evaluation by two reviewers using the AMSTAR appraisal tool, only nine systematic reviews received a high rating and were analyzed. Seven reviews identified clear and direct protective resilience factors against VE. The protective resilience factors were categorized as (1) individual resilience factors, (2) family resilience factors, and (3) community resilience factors. Community resilience as a theme of resilience appeared more frequently within the reviewed literature encompasses community engagement, collective identity, social support networks, and emotional orientation. The study provided insights linking resilience as a buffer to VE. This evidence will enable policymakers and preventing violent extremism efforts to mobilize and strengthen community resilience." (Abstract)
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"Diese Untersuchung widmet sich der deutschen Propaganda in Lateinamerika während des Ersten Weltkrieges aus einer transnationalen Perspektive. Dabei fragt sie zunächst nach den Produktionsbedingungen und zeigt, dass deutsche Propaganda durch ein plurizentrisches Netzwerk realisiert wurde, dessen
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Akteure sich nicht zwangsläufig mit den Deutschen sympathisierten, sondern auch aufgrund von Interessenkonvergenz in der Zielsetzung mit den Deutschen kooperierten. Diese Abhängigkeit von lokalen Initiativen on the spot hatte auch Konsequenzen für die diskursive Konfiguration der Propaganda. In Argentinien, Chile und Mexiko eignete sich die deutsche Propaganda nationale wie transnationale Identitätsdiskurse an und band sie in ihre Argumentationsstrategien ein, um zwischen ihren Botschaften und den potentiellen Rezipienten Identifikation herzustellen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book is concerned with the role that communication, understood as including both the factual and fictional mass media as well as the performative and visual arts, can play in post-civil war peacebuilding. It engages with questions of how a society can move from the civil war conditions of disc
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ursive dehumanisation to peaceful cooperation in post-civil war settings and how peacebuilders can help communities utilise the transformative capacity of communication to encourage the reimagining of and engagement with former enemies as co-citizens. Ultimately, civil and peaceful cooperation depends on the observance of discursive civility and the building of safe discursive spaces in which civil engagement between different groups of society (including former combatants and survivors) can safely take place. This book argues that understanding communicative peacebuilding in this way is fundamental to the achievement of self-sustainable everyday peace." (Publisher description)
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"Le reportage de guerre est une pratique journalistique qui nous est à la fois familière et mal connue. Familière par la présence au quotidien de ce type de reportage dans les médias ; mal connue en ce qui concerne les conditions de fabrication de ces reportages, autour desquelles s’est déve
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loppée la figure du correspondant de guerre aventurier « n’écoutant que son courage et cette étrange passion de reporter », comme l’écrit le journal Ce soir à propos de sa reportère-photographe officielle en Espagne durant la guerre civile, Gerda Taro, morte sur le terrain en 1937. Cette bibliographie se propose d’éclairer « l’envers du décor » du reportage de guerre à travers une sélection de documents disponibles pour la plupart en salle B de la bibliothèque tous publics." (Abstract)
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"The Russia-Ukraine war’s ramifications for Vietnam are felt beyond the economic and diplomatic realms. It has in fact become an online hotbed of conflicting and confounding narratives that demonstrate different worldviews and political leanings among Vietnamese netizens. An examination of 28 Face
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book pages/groups active in trending pro-Russia narratives finds an ‘echo chamber’ that is on a constant lookout for Russian, Western and even Chinese news sources that peddle and amplify pro-Russia and anti-Western voices. The most salient pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam’s cyberspace revolve around justifying Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, echoing anti-America and anti-imperialist worldviews, and lionising Russia while demonising Ukraine. These online groups have likely carved out a niche for the conservative segment of the Vietnamese state to shape a propaganda environment where there is space for pro-Russia and anti-Russia narratives, so that pro-Ukraine sentiments will not become predominant in the public discourse. Pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam’s cyberspace are the result of cross-pollination between sentimental attachment since the Soviet era, psychological bias towards Russia embedded in Vietnam’s education and propaganda system, and the overriding imperative to preserve the Vietnamese state’s political and ideological interests." (Executive summary)
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"Freedom of speech and freedom of the press is generally attributed to an independent society where the basic rights of citizens are ensured. Balochistan, the western and resources rich province of Pakistan with its huge geopolitical importance has been under a strong wave of terrorism for the last
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two decades. This menace of terrorism has severely affected citizens of the province including media workers.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This research endeavor is an attempt to explore the impact of terrorism on the performance of media professionals in Balochistan. The study is based on the Hierarchy of Influence model which provides ground to explore the influence of terrorism. In this quantitative study, the researchers employing the systematic sampling technique have selected 50 media professionals out of 194 registered journalists of five press clubs: Quetta, Chaman, Noshki, Mastung, and Loralai.
Findings: The survey findings show that terrorism has badly affected the quality of their reporting. The study also reveals that objective journalism is hard to follow in the province by journalists as they are always threatened not only by terrorists but also by the law enforcement agencies to mold the reports in their favor.
Implications/Originality/Value The findings also indicate that terrorism has also affected journalists’ personal lives." (Abstract)
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"Many mediators and peacebuilders are interested in using information about actors and narratives on social media to inform programming. Our starting assumption is that users of this toolkit do not have the resources to either hire a specialist social media analysis firm or to pay for commercial soc
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ial media analysis tools. Therefore, this toolkit is a practical how-to guide for mediators and peacebuilders who want to conduct their own social media analysis, offering an overview of what is possible, a practical guide to a handful of technology tools, and suggestions on analysis methods. The toolkit is also a why-to guide, offering ideas on what programming social media analysis can inform and when it is worth investing resources in this kind of analysis. The toolkit is structured in three sections:
Section 1 outlines what it is possible to do with social media data. It covers how to select the social media platforms on which to conduct analysis and explains what data it is possible to gather from each platform. It also offers three main use cases for social media analysis that can support the work of peacebuilders and mediators, explaining the kind of insights we can glean from social media data, and how they connect to relevant programming.
Section 2 outlines in detail how to work with Facebook and Twitter data. It includes how to come up with search parameters, how to decide whether to download data or view it in a search tool, how to access data from Facebook and Twitter, and how to organise data that has been collected. It also looks at analysis methods to find patterns in this data that can help peacebuilders and mediators understand what is the general narrative (netnography or narrative analysis), what people are talking about most and how (quantitative analysis), what is the tone and emotion of a narrative (sentiment analysis), and who is talking about what with whom (network analysis).
Section 3 offers case studies of social media analysis conducted to support peacebuilding or mediation programs. The case studies connect to the previous sections, illustrating how the methods and tools outlined are used in practice in our fields." (Introduction)
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