"Over the past decade, Vladimir Putin’s Russia has employed unorthodox foreign policy tools with increasing frequency, intensity, and success. Perhaps the most effective of these tactics has been the use of information warfare designed to affect decision-making in countries Russia considers to be
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its adversaries. In the target countries, these measures aim to destabilize civil society, erode trust in democratic institutions, and foster uncertainty among allies. If the United States and Europe hope to defend their economies, institutions, and identities, an immediate and effective policy response is required. To date, however, the United States and many of its European partners have struggled to develop policies that combat and counter Russian information warfare. The articles gathered here examine the tools that Russia has used against Ukraine, Poland, the United States, and the European Union, as well as the strategies that these countries have employed to combat Russian information warfare. The joint article by the four authors concisely summarizes the findings and proposes policy options by means of which the democratic countries of the West can address the challenges information warfare poses. The final article looks at Russia, examining controversies around the political role of the aggregator Yandex.news in prioritizing media news." (Introduction, page 2)
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"The rise of social media has revolutionized information-sharing and the way in which people learn about important events. As evidenced by the use of TikTok in the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, social media has the ability to connect people from conflict zones to individuals around the world.
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Although dramatic video clips can be critical for our understanding of real-time developments and for pressuring policymakers to act, they also open the door to misinformation that creates confusion and division." (Abstract)
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"Over the past 2 decades, peace journalism (PJ) has been embraced by reporters as well as activists around the world in their coverage of war and conflict. As a result, it has earned a considerable amount of scholarly attention from academics. Despite that, no study has measured the progression of t
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his field. For this reason, this study aims to conduct a systematic literature review to investigate the PJ research scholarship. The result shows that PJ scholarship is an evolving, qualitative method; content analysis, interviews, were the most used kind of method and specific analytical methods. PJ theory and framing theory were the most used theories. Television-focused studies earned more scholarly attention, while scholars from Asia and North America dominated first author affiliation. Pakistan, Kenya, Fiji, Cyprus, Nigeria, and the Central African Republic are the countries with the most PJ-focused studies. Media, War and Conflict and Journalism Studies published more articles." (Abstract)
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"Memory and Erasure brings together young and established Zimbabwean scholars and activists who explore with fresh eyes the failure to overcome the terrible legacies of this period. At its heart is recognition that justice cannot be achieved while Gukurahundi’s perpetrators remain in power and sti
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ll seek to control the memory of that period. The chapters explore the failures of peacebuilding, finding only a negative peace, the weighty obstacle to reform of the ‘securocratic state’, and the weaknesses of transitional justice efforts and institutions, from the late 1980s to the present. They focus on ‘linguistic genocide’, noting not only the use of linguistic difference to violently divide and target during Gukurahundi, but the use of Gukurahundi as metaphor for a structural violence that has carried on in the daily life of Ndebele speakers into the present. A highly original chapter focuses on the layered and gendered silences, powerfully rooted in shame and humiliation, that continue to shroud victims of sexual violence. The book ends with an important chapter on popular efforts at making counter-memory, through public lectures, the subversion of official celebrations, the reclaiming of statues, and above all an ongoing battle over the memorialisation of Bhalagwe camp, where thousands of people were detained, tortured and killed by state agents. This is a lonely, dangerous struggle, but it also underlines the ultimate failure of the party-state’s ‘anti-memory’. This book engages with wide-ranging theoretical work on transitional justice and memory, and makes revealing comparisons with cases from the former Yugoslavia to Namibia and South Africa." (Publisher description)
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"[...] this is the first anthology to specifically investigate the history and state of cyber warfare in the Middle East. It gathers an array of technical practitioners, social science scholars, and legal experts to provide a panoramic overview and cross-sectional analysis covering four main areas:
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privacy and civil society; the types of cyber conflict; information and influence operations; and methods of countering extremism online. The book highlights the real threat of hacktivism and informational warfare between state actors and the specific issues affecting the MENA region. These include digital authoritarianism and malware attacks in the Middle East, analysis of how ISIS and the Syrian electronic army use the internet, and the impact of disinformation and cybercrime in the Gulf. The book captures the flashpoints and developments in cyber conflict in the past 10 years and offers a snapshot of the region's still-early cyber history. It also clarifies how cyber warfare may develop in the near- to medium-term future and provides ideas of how its greatest risks can be avoided." (Publisher description)
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"Hacemos Memoria reúne en sus asesorías a reporteros, víctimas y ciudadanos interesados en conocer y discutir sobre el pasado violento que vivieron sus comunidades. Este proyecto de la Universidad de Antioquia convirtió el periodismo participativo en una herramienta para la producción colaborat
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iva de relatos sobre hechos asociados al conflicto armado." (Página 1)
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"While the field of Journalism Studies has already engaged in rich debates on how to rethink the truth conditions of user-generated content (UGC) in platform journalism, we argue that it has missed out on the ethico-political function of UGC as testimonials of lives-at-risk. If we wish to recognize
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and act on UGC as techno-social practices of witnessing human pain and death, we propose, then we need to push further the conceptual and analytical boundaries of the field. In this paper, we do this by introducing a view of UGC as flesh witnessing, that is as embodied and mobile testimonies of vulnerable others that, enabled by smartphones, enter global news environments as appeals to attention and action. Drawing on examples from the Syrian conflict, we provide an analysis of the narrative strategies through which flesh witnessing acquires truth-telling authority and we reflect on what is gained and lost in the process. Western story-telling, we conclude, strategically co-opts the affective dimension of flesh witnessing – its focus on child innocence, heroic martyrdom or the data aesthetics of destruction – and selectively minimizes its urgency by downplaying or effacing the bodies of non-western witnesses. This preoccupation with verification should not be subject to geopolitical formulations and needs to be combined with an explicit acknowledgement of the embodied voices of conflict as testimonies of the flesh whose often mortal vulnerability is, in fact, the very condition of possibility upon which western broadcasting rests." (Abstract)
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"Peace journalism (PJ), originally proposed by Johan Galtung as a set of ideational distinctions in representations of conflict, has served as the organizing principle for both scholarly research and practical application. Much of the latter has come through media development aid, generally taking t
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he form of professional training courses for editors and reporters. The effectiveness of such schemes depends on activating and galvanizing journalistic agency to change the content of reporting. This highlights a paradox: PJ is the policy response to Galtung’s landmark 1965 essay, published with Mari Holmboe Ruge, ‘The structure of foreign news’, which, instead, attributed the chief influences on news content to the political economy of media. This article presents and considers two sets of data. One comes from interviews with sixteen alumni of PJ training courses, in which they disclose which aspects proved most readily applicable in their work. The other is based on a survey of 55 articles from The Peace Journalist, a biannual magazine published by the Global Peace Journalism Center at Park University, Missouri, which, between them, report on training courses in 33 countries over ten years. It shows which aspects of PJ are most often emphasized in such initiatives, and in what kind of conflict contexts. The two data sets are then compared and cross-referenced to show how both trainers and trainees set out to supplement and circumvent structural constraints and thus overcome the PJ paradox." (Abstract)
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"Los números, videos, historias y relatos no engañan. Los equipos de prensa que trabajaron durante los 18 días del paro nacional, convocado por el movimiento indígena, fueron agredidos desde todos los frentes. Pero, en especial, las agresiones provinieron de los manifestantes, los ciudadanos que
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son, precisamente, para quienes se trabaja la información. Esta realidad puso a los periodistas ante un escenario complejo: arriesgar su integridad o camuflarse para seguir reportando. Esta disyuntiva constituyó en sí una de las peores agresiones contra la prensa: la autocensura." (Página 2)
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"UNESCO strived to improve access to information for Yemeni youth through building capacities of young Yemeni journalists to produce content that ensures balanced coverage of the peacebuilding process. The produced content necessitated the development of an information platform to disseminate messag
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es to the youth. In addition, the intervention supported youth-led peacebuilding initiatives through the “My Solution” activity, further promoting content creation for the youth and by the youth. In order for the Yemeni Youth to be able to express themselves freely and in a secure and welcoming environment, UNESCO and its partners worked around different platforms, either physical or online, to provide them with safe places to exchange. Whether through online surveys (Yemeni Youth Barometer), debates, community radio programmes, or through their participation in international platforms, Yemeni youth were given the opportunity to share among themselves but also with decision-makers their views and opinions." (Page 7)
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"In this essay, I explore the nature of propaganda in a hybrid media environment through the example of Russian propaganda during the ongoing war in Ukraine. I start by briefly overviewing the Russian media system’s development, focusing on the roots of cynical attitude toward journalism in the so
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ciety. After analyzing propaganda strategies, I suggest the propaganda on demand concept, which describes the manipulation of public opinion by targeting different social milieus with specif-ically tailored narratives. In Russia’s case, this approach is based on inconsistency and eclecticism. However, it seems well suited to the very logic of the digital realm, which helps the state deliver often-contradicting narratives to different target groups." (Abstract)
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"Although China's official position on the war has been that of neutrality-not aligning with the West against Russia and not directly supporting Russia's war in Ukraine-its communications about the war, in particular its propaganda via state media and Foreign Ministry spokespeople have carried a mor
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e pro-Russia stance. During the past two months of the Russia-Ukraine war, Chinese official messaging has echoed and reinforced Russia's position: 1.) by promoting shared narratives about the origins and culprits of the war, namely blaming NATO and the United States; 2.) by drawing disproportionally on Russian sources and footage of the war; and 3.) by under-reporting on Ukraine's perspectives. This pro-Russia leaning during the Ukraine crisis can be understood as part of a larger propaganda trajectory vis-à-vis Russia and the United States. Domestically, China's propaganda messaging in large part appears to resonate with public opinion. Internationally, however, Chinese propaganda about the war, especially communications by Foreign Ministry spokespeople, delude China's neutrality position and antagonize the West, while more integrating China into the Global South." (Page 1)
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"This book is concerned with the role that communication, understood as including both the factual and fictional mass media as well as the performative and visual arts, can play in post-civil war peacebuilding. It engages with questions of how a society can move from the civil war conditions of disc
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ursive dehumanisation to peaceful cooperation in post-civil war settings and how peacebuilders can help communities utilise the transformative capacity of communication to encourage the reimagining of and engagement with former enemies as co-citizens. Ultimately, civil and peaceful cooperation depends on the observance of discursive civility and the building of safe discursive spaces in which civil engagement between different groups of society (including former combatants and survivors) can safely take place. This book argues that understanding communicative peacebuilding in this way is fundamental to the achievement of self-sustainable everyday peace." (Publisher description)
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"This chapter explored the linguistic dimensions of Gukurahundi to show the centrality of language before, during and after the genocide. We drew on online testimonies from survivors and statements from government officials as well as visible language planning and language practices in the post-Guku
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rahundi era. In doing so, we have shown how the Shona language was weaponised and continues to be deployed as a tool for perpetuating the legacy of Gukurahundi in symbolic forms. Languages are more than neutral instruments of communication; they reflect important symbolic and identity roles, particularly in post-conflict societies. In post Gukurahundi Zimbabwe, the issue of language has remained topical as language is an important means of maintaining, legitimating, effectuating and reproducing unequal relations of power. The foregoing suggests that the presentation of the Shona language within the Zimbabwean state, state-aligned institutions and in Zimbabwean society at large reflects the cultural and political antagonisms dating back to the preindependence era. It is in fact a subtle form violence that undermines everything that is different. As a continuation of conflict in symbolic and cultural ways in supposed times of peace, this has implications for processes of reconciliation. Consequently, for victims and survivors, the term gukurahundi has become a synonym and a metaphor for the structural violence and subjugation experienced contemporaneously." (Conclusion)
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"Theoretical scholarship on media democratisation neglects the role of representing groups in civil society, which in new democracies emerging from authoritarian regimes are frequently marginalised. These groups may also contest the form of democracy that has been implemented, and the way in which i
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t deals with key transitional issues such as past human rights violations. This study focuses on how such groups are represented in one postauthoritarian society: Uruguay, which returned to democracy in 1985. Through examining media access for civil society groups in the newspaper coverage of two critical plebiscites on transitional justice issues (1989 and 2009), combined with interviews with journalists and civil society representatives, it argues that there are significant barriers to media access for civil society actors in the return to democracy, which relate both to changes during the democratisation process and domestic journalistic norms. This signals the need for both greater attention to the normative media role of representation during processes of democratisation and a more critical approach to media democratisation theory." (Abstract)
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