"Welche Rolle spielen nichtstaatliche Akteure, sogenannte "Proxys", in staatlichen Cyberkonflikten? Und wie unterscheidet sich regimetypenspezifisch das (De-)Eskalationsmanagement? Kerstin Zettl-Schabath vergleicht mithilfe eines umfassenden Datensatzes für die Jahre 2000-2019 die staatlichen Cyber
...
-Proxy-Strategien von China, Russland, den USA und Israel. Dabei zeigen sich je nach politischem System deutliche Abweichungen: Autokratien nutzen Proxys als "Puffer" gegenüber Demokratien, um für ihre Taten nicht belangt zu werden. Für Demokratien dagegen können Berichte privater IT-Unternehmen "Täter-Wissen" kommunizieren sowie Handlungsdruck infolge politischer Verantwortungszuweisungen reduzieren." (Verlagbeschreibung)
more
"The general objective of this Model Protocol is to serve as a reference in the development or updating of intervention and interaction protocols for security forces regarding the media, in accordance with international standards on freedom of expression, access to information and safety of journali
...
sts. The Model Protocol will also serve the media and civil society organizations to promote good practices between the police and the press, and to contribute to improving the safety of journalists in the region, with an emphasis on differential risk assessment and specific protective measures for women journalists. Finally, this Model can serve as a pedagogical tool for police academies, as well as for journalism or communication schools. The Model Protocol covers three of the areas of interaction that generally exhibit higher stress levels: (1) the interaction of security forces with journalists in social protest contexts; (2) investigations of crimes by security forces and access to information by the press; and (3) the threats and other attacks on the press, as well as the responses by security forces to prevent and investigate these actions with a gender perspective." (Introduction, page 7)
more
"In contexts where young people feel prohibited from reflecting openly on sensitive political issues, they may explore alternative ways to communicate and negotiate their opinions and beliefs. Internet memes are popular digital artifacts that offer a space for such debates. This research focuses on
...
the Internet memes that were created and used as an unconventional method for discussing post-genocide peacebuilding processes among Rwandan youth. These memes were made in storytelling workshops that involved interacting with transmedia projects and creating stories about peacebuilding and reconciliation processes in Rwanda, Guatemala and Cambodia. Within this context, this study approaches memes as participatory tools that allow (1) youth inclusion in post-genocide peacebuilding, often considered an ‘adult topic’ and (2) the mapping out of the social imaginaries of peace by young people in post-genocide societies. The paper analyzes how and why young Rwandans negotiate peacebuilding processes through memes and the ambivalence of utilizing memes for youth participation. The results suggest that meme-making emerged mainly as a response to intergenerational differences in discussing the genocide and peace-related issues. Humor in the memes unveiled differences in the ways of addressing peacebuilding processes. Detachment from other contexts resulted in more sarcastic articulations, whereas proximity led to more positive reflections on how peacebuilding should unfold in post-genocide societies. While meme-making proved to be useful for sparking discussions and manifesting imaginaries of peace, it also showed how certain dominant discourses about peacebuilding processes are embraced and often not contested within memes due to self-censorship." (Abstract)
more
"This report covers key trends and developments in terrorist and violent extremist (TVE) use of the internet over 2022. It aims to highlight the principal shifts in TVE behaviour and tactics online, and to inform more comprehensive, cross-industry responses to countering TVE exploitation of the inte
...
rnet. TVE entities have expanded their exploitation of infrastructure providers through the ongoing creation and maintenance of terrorist and violent extremist operated websites (TOWs); despite the increasing prominence of TOWs in the online ecosystem, these service providers are frequently left out of the discussion of countering TVE exploitation of the internet. We have highlighted in this report some of our successes of 2022, which include domain level disruption of TVE entities online as well as our broader support for the entire tech ecosystem." (Introduction, page 4)
more
"Since October 2016, Cameroon has been involved in a violent conflict known as the Anglophone Crisis. This study examines the impact of the hashtag #MyAnglophoneCrisisStory on Twitter in capturing and amplifying the stories of people affected by the crisis. Using R, the authors extracted and analyze
...
d tweets using this hashtag that were posted between 21 October 2020 and 3 November 2020. Only tweets posted in English and French languages were included. To understand the content of the tweets, the authors inductively coded and manually analyzed a total of 1064 tweets, replies, and comments. A categorical analysis revealed the presence of three different types of tweets: ‘Story’, ‘Response to Story’, and ‘Awareness and Advocacy’. The ‘Story’ category had four distinct themes: (1) Senseless Loss of Life: Shot and Killed; (2) The Disappeared: Lost and Kidnapped; (3) On the Move/Elusive Safety: Escape, Displacement; and (4) Prevention and Trauma, Mental Health, and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. This study supports the concept that even short tweets can have a significant impact and signals the need for more attention and research on this overlooked conflict. Future work can involve the use of more advanced analysis tools to conduct a more thorough examination of tweets." (Abstract)
more
"Limited studies exist on the safety challenges that journalists face in reporting conflict related issues within their localities. This study extends literature in this direction by providing a model that explains the safety challenges that journalists faced in reporting the 2020 END SARS protests
...
in Nigeria. The study is a survey of 470 journalists with questionnaire as the instrument for data collection. Results were analysed using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). It was found that legal limitations, lack of training on safety and absence of safety motivational measures constitute the safety challenges that journalists faced in reporting the ENDS SARS protests. This information could be beneficial for policy formulation and advocacy within the context of safety of journalists." (Abstract)
more
"Gaza has experienced five near-total communications blackouts since since 7 October 2023.1 People cannot access critical information. They cannot reach loved ones. Aid agencies cannot contact staff or coordinate assistance. Media coverage and documentation is further restricted." (Page 1)
"Las emisoras de paz se encuentran en un punto de quiebre. Esta esperanzadora política de Estado, que se empezó a implementar como una estrategia de reconciliación hace siete años, después de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz, está enfrentando retos profundos, como las amenazas en contra de las emis
...
oras que están en funcionamiento y la incertidumbre sobre su sostenibilidad a largo plazo. En 2016, con el Acuerdo de Paz entre el Gobierno Nacional y las Farc-EP, las partes acordaron la creación de veinte estaciones radiales en diferentes municipios que resultaban estratégicos para fomentar la convivencia y la reconciliación. Estas emisoras están bajo la dirección del Sistema de Medios Públicos RTVC y la primera emisora se inauguró en Chaparral, en Tolima, el 25 de junio de 2019. Actualmente, operan dieciséis y se estima que las cuatro restantes comiencen a funcionar en el primer semestre del 2024.
Comunicar la paz en un país inmerso en un nuevo capítulo de conflictos territoriales ha presentado desafíos para las y los periodistas. Hablar de iniciativas de paz, de las iniciativas de las comunidades o denunciar la presencia de nuevos grupos supone riesgos e implica que estas emisoras también estén constantemente en la mira. Ante la ausencia de garantías de protección y seguridad, las estrategias que se han empleado son defensivas, como el silenciamiento selectivo de temas y la cautela en sus desplazamientos por los municipios. Esto ha implicado dejar de hablar de ciertos asuntos, cancelar espacios informativos o tener que acudir a la fuerza a encuentros con grupos armados. A esto se suman los señalamientos de funcionarios públicos o figuras políticas hacia las voces que controvierte el poder, la impunidad que empaña la justicia y el impacto psicológico y emocional de trabajar en contextos violentos. Las emisoras de paz se han convertido en un laboratorio para la comunicación y el periodismo y su corta experiencia constata que la reconstrucción de la paz pasa por un cambio en la forma en que se relata y se vive en las regiones. Sin embargo, para que estos proyectos continúen aportando a la reconstrucción del tejido social, es necesario un mayor respaldo y fortalecimiento gubernamental, el diseño de protocolos de seguridad, medidas de autoprotección y la preservación a largo plazo de estos espacios." (https://flip.org.co)
more
"This article offers a qualitative analysis of how, by adopting identity-related discourses whose meanings resonate within a given culture, Russian state propaganda strives to bolster “the truth status” of its Ukraine war claims. These discourses, we argue, have long historical lineages and thus
...
are expected to be familiar to audiences. We identify three such discourses common in many contexts but with specific resonances in Russia, those of colonialism/decolonization, imperialism, and the imaginary West. The article demonstrates that these same discourses also inform war-related coverage in Russophone oppositional media. Russian state-affiliated and oppositional actors further share “floating signifiers,” particularly “the Russian people,” “historical Russia,” “the Russian world,” “Ukraine,” “fascism/Nazism,” and “genocide,” while according them radically different meanings. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of studying how state propaganda works at the level of discourses, and the acutely dialogical processes by which disinformation and counter-disinformation efforts are produced and consumed." (Abstract)
more
"This book examines how community remembers one of the most gruesome acts of violence in the 20th century: the anti-communist violence in 1965 in Indonesia. Through a case study in a rural district in East Java, this research presents complexities of memory culture of violence. These memories are no
...
t exclusively determined by the state’s repressive memory project, but are actually embedded in intricate social relations and local context where the violence occurred. What people remember, forget, or silenced is part of the continuous negotiation to claim one’s right, to relate to the state, and to be Indonesian citizen. This book redefines the politics of memory – that it does not necessarily appear in formal arenas, but actually lies in the intricate web of local dynamics, often involving transactional and clientelistic practices." (Publisher description)
more
"This chapter explored the linguistic dimensions of Gukurahundi to show the centrality of language before, during and after the genocide. We drew on online testimonies from survivors and statements from government officials as well as visible language planning and language practices in the post-Guku
...
rahundi era. In doing so, we have shown how the Shona language was weaponised and continues to be deployed as a tool for perpetuating the legacy of Gukurahundi in symbolic forms. Languages are more than neutral instruments of communication; they reflect important symbolic and identity roles, particularly in post-conflict societies. In post Gukurahundi Zimbabwe, the issue of language has remained topical as language is an important means of maintaining, legitimating, effectuating and reproducing unequal relations of power. The foregoing suggests that the presentation of the Shona language within the Zimbabwean state, state-aligned institutions and in Zimbabwean society at large reflects the cultural and political antagonisms dating back to the preindependence era. It is in fact a subtle form violence that undermines everything that is different. As a continuation of conflict in symbolic and cultural ways in supposed times of peace, this has implications for processes of reconciliation. Consequently, for victims and survivors, the term gukurahundi has become a synonym and a metaphor for the structural violence and subjugation experienced contemporaneously." (Conclusion)
more
"The following are the key insights identified across all three weeks of the radio dialogue: In week one of radio dialogue, 36.2% of the participants (n=125) and week 3 55.1% (n=266) of participants agreed that there should be unity and cooperation among all members of the community. They stated tha
...
t unity is helpful in the fight against violent extremism and would strengthen the role of women in PCVE and enhance cooperation among women, the government, and civil society organisations in PCVE interventions. 25.5 % (n=88) of participants in week one also stated that peace and security should be prioritised so that women can play a role in combating violent extremism in their respective regions. This can be promoted by working on and maintaining peace in the respective communities. In week two, 32.2 % (n=118) of participants believed that women play an important role in combating PCVE because they are the foundation of the family and are important in a community." (Main findings, page V)
more
"This study uses TikTok as a novel medium to extend the literature on online activism. It adds to the emergent body of knowledge about playful political participation among youth. It also explores how creative micro-videos can be a force to create momentum and shape opinions around social and politi
...
cal topics. A content analysis of 203 TikTok videos reflecting the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict that took place in Sheikh Jarrah in 2021, was used to understand the extent to which TikTok's platform's affordances were used and examine the message frames that emerged when online users disseminated messages of affect and solidarity with the Palestinians during the Sheikh Jarrah incident. Findings: The study showed that TikTok affordances encourage virality and creative crafting of direct and indirect political content, making the platform a space for political expression, mobilization, and online activism. The affordances used during the TikTok Intifada were visibility, editability, association, and persistence. The two most prominent frames were the use of hashtags to promote the cause, followed by direct political content. Practical implications: Researchers are given guidance on how TikTok design elements are now allowing a very young segment of users to become producers of political content in a way where messages are creatively crafted using the platform's affordances." (Abstract)
more
"Theoretical scholarship on media democratisation neglects the role of representing groups in civil society, which in new democracies emerging from authoritarian regimes are frequently marginalised. These groups may also contest the form of democracy that has been implemented, and the way in which i
...
t deals with key transitional issues such as past human rights violations. This study focuses on how such groups are represented in one postauthoritarian society: Uruguay, which returned to democracy in 1985. Through examining media access for civil society groups in the newspaper coverage of two critical plebiscites on transitional justice issues (1989 and 2009), combined with interviews with journalists and civil society representatives, it argues that there are significant barriers to media access for civil society actors in the return to democracy, which relate both to changes during the democratisation process and domestic journalistic norms. This signals the need for both greater attention to the normative media role of representation during processes of democratisation and a more critical approach to media democratisation theory." (Abstract)
more
"Der Propagandafilm »Jud Süß« (1940) wurde von den Nationalsozialisten gezielt eingesetzt, um antisemitische Gewalttaten hervorzurufen - zum Beispiel in den Konzentrationslagern. Umso erstaunlicher ist es, dass der Regisseur Veit Harlan nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg die antisemitische Stoßrichtung
...
des Filmes leugnete. Bill Niven schildert in seinem Buch u. a. die intensive Debatte um den Film - und um die Person Harlans - im Nachkriegsdeutschland. Demonstrationen in Westdeutschland in den 1950er Jahren gegen Harlans Neueinstieg ins Filmgeschäft spielten eine wichtige Rolle bei der Entwicklung einer demokratischen Protestkultur und einer Abwehrhaltung gegenüber Antisemitismus. Im Nahen Osten aber fing Harlans Film ein neues Leben an - als antiisraelische Propaganda. Die Bundesrepublik reagierte auf diesen Missbrauch recht zögerlich. Damit war aber die Geschichte des Films keineswegs zu Ende. Bis in die Gegenwart versucht man, anhand von »Jud Süß« mit pädagogischen Mitteln aufzuzeigen, wie antisemitische Propaganda funktioniert - die Angst vor dem Film ist aber noch groß." (Verlagsinformation)
more