"This study examines the psychological health of contractors working in war zones. Seventy-nine contractors completed an Internet-based psychiatric assessment. The sample was exclusively male with a mean age of 43 (SD = 7) years. The number of contractors whose scores exceeded the cutoff points for
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depression, psychological distress, and excessive weekly alcohol consumption were 15 (20%), 21 (28%), and 13 (17%), respectively. A third of contractors had posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) scores in the moderate to severe range. Approximately 10% of contractors had employer-organized access to psychological help following deployment. This study provides the first empirical data showing that a significant minority of contractors working in war zones are psychologically distressed and not receiving therapy." (Abstract)
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"After nine years of military rule, Pakistan today finds itself in the second year of a challenging transition to democracy. Unlike previously unsuccessful transitions to democracy, this transition is characterised by the presence of a newly liberalised mass media. This can prove to be to be a cruci
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al – and positive – factor, but only if the media can assume a role as a watchdog of democracy. Even though Pakistan’s media is vibrant this is a difficult task, because the media is faced with a number of challenges. By highlighting these challenges, this report seeks to focus on how the Pakistani media is affected by, and functions under, the conflict currently unfolding. Furthermore, the report outlines a series of recommendations that can support Pakistan’s media in facing future challenges." (Executive summary)
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"During the past 15 years Central Africa, and specifically Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, have been through devastating wars in which the media became actors. In 1993, some Burundese newspapers were described as ‘hate media’ and one year later Radio télévision mille coll
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ines (RTLM) in Rwanda became the first of those described as ‘death media’, preparing minds for genocide and helping in its implementation. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, in1998, certain newspapers took to inciting ethnic hatred and violence towards some Congolese citizens. By 2006, when this research was completed, these three countries were undergoing fragile peace processes and trying to rebuild themsleves. The media certainly have a major role to play in helping to soothe the hatred and move people from different communities back into dialogue. But how should the media sector be reorganized in countries where the media have contributed to killings? What is the best way to find a balance between freedom and control in a context where the microphone and the pen have been weapons of murder? This is one of the main issues that must be addressed by the communications regulatory bodies which have been established to support press freedom and to organize and monitor the media landscape." (Abstract)
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"El artículo presenta un conjunto de reflexiones sobre la actuación de radios educativas y comunitarias en contextos de conflicto social principalmente entre empresas mineras y comunidades en el Perú. Parte de una aproximación a la problemática de los conflictos sociambientales, cuyo número e
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intensidad se ha incrementado significativamente en los últimos años. Propone una descripción de los principales escenarios y actores, incluidos medios de comunicación, así como los problemas de carácter estructural que se ubican a la base de las relaciones de conflictividad social. Presenta una definición general de las radios comunitarias y educativas y sus proyectos de comunicación; propone y analiza los principales ejes de tensión y los desafíos que afrontan estas emisoras en situaciones de conflictividad, tensiones que tienen que ver con las nociones de objetividad y pluralismo informativo en el marco de relaciones asimétricas de poder y comunicación entre empresas, Estado y comunidades; así como la ubicación y el rol de las emisoras frente al tejido social en situaciones de conflictividad, entre otros campos del quehacer comunicativo." (Resumen)
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"The town of Gulu in northern Uganda stood still as the leader of a then 16-year-old insurgency against the government was heard live through a local government radio station. On 28 December 2002, Joseph Kony called in to Mega FM’s live debate talk show and was heard throughout northern Uganda. Th
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e significance of this event cannot be underestimated in local and global terms. How had this man, labelled by the government as a terrorist, killer, and child abductor, come to be broadcast on a Ugandan Government radio station? The answer to this question directly engages and critiques current debates of the role of the media in societies where violent conflict is a reality. Through engagement with two radio presenters from Mega FM, I explore the space for dialogue and debate in northern Uganda. By learning from their experiences, it becomes clear that the question is not whether media censorship is useful in peace building, but what can be done to support the daily struggles of media actors who are constantly negotiating their way through a labyrinth of restrictions." (Page 610)
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"Lack of safety and basic protection for media workers in Gaza – and in particular for journalists and photographers working freelance – has been identified as the most crucial and imminent issue in the weeks following the military offensive by Israel against Hamas in the Gaza Strip on 27 Decemb
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er 2008 and the ceasefire called on 17 January 2009. The lack of basic equipment, as well as proper training in safety issues, has prevented journalists from moving freely and thus prevented them from performing their task at the expense of the circulation of essential information. Summing up, freelance journalist Omeyma Abu Khair states: “We need organisations that really takes care of journalists – of the individual journalist and photographer. We have no such organisations here. We need help to learn, how to work under pressure. How to operate during war. How to protect ourselves when we are out reporting. We need psychological support to teach us how to work in long term trauma situations. How to deal with our own traumas. And how to take care of our families when we are working 24 hours a day.” (Conclusion)
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"In light of the U.S. functionality test to Article 51(3), the role and use of today’s embedded journalist in international armed conflicts poses a direct threat to their civilian protections under Article 79 of Protocol I. Despite the fact that embedded journalism has helped to facilitate better
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military-press relations and generally enhance news coverage of military conflicts, its increased level of integration in U.S. combat operations approaches the legal threshold of making the journalists themselves lawful targets. It is the U.S. military’s responsibility to create new measures to ensure embedded journalists’ activities are not so comingled with information operations that they become targeted. The overall integration of war correspondents into information operations, the eroding distinction between PAO and war correspondents and the loss of reporter objectivity on the battlefield are all factors that provide significant evidence that today’s embedded journalists are probably not engaged in their “professional mission” within the meaning of Article 79. Embedded journalists are no longer performing their professional mission when they are in fact being used to directly support military information operations. To the extent this continues in U.S. military combat operations, war correspondents can be lawfully targeted by the enemy under the U.S. functionality test to Article 51(3)." (Conclusion)
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"The representation of the Holocaust in literature and film has confronted lecturers and students with some challenging questions. Does this unique and disturbing subject demand alternative pedagogic strategies? What is the role of ethics in the classroom encounter with the Holocaust? " (Publisher d
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escription)
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"This study furnishes the media, the civil society organisations, the public authorities and international organisations in the region with a point of reference in context to the rising debate about extremism, especially Islamic fundamentalism, and terrorism. It provides insight into how the mass me
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dia cover these sensitive issues and how the public authorities react to it. These issues have had resonance on a wider scale within the last two years. The recurring, and often violent, reactions in some Muslim countries on the publication of a set of controversial cartoons in Danish newspapers depicting the Prophet Muhammad also suggest that there is a need to look more closely at the relationship between the media and political extremism. The Central Asia findings in the research served as the basis to formulate recommendations to all parties involved in media policy and practice, both in the region and externally." (Page 5)
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"Este libro es una selección de imágenes del Concurso Nacional de Fotografía sobre Desaparición Forzada 'Sin Rastro." (Página 1)
"The development of media in post-Taliban Afghanistan has been relatively successful (compared with both the Taliban regime and other countries subject to international intervention) in establishing free and responsible expression despite the lack of electricity, harsh terrain, absence of viable med
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ia outlets during the Taliban regime, and a conservative religious society that subordinates women. However, Afghanistan’s media development remains incomplete. Since it still faces many challenges, the international community must continue to assist and support it. Three main processes contributed to Afghanistan’s initial media success: the proliferation of local media, especially radio; the government’s increased capacity to communicate; and international media that filled gaps that otherwise might have become problematic. This three-pronged approach in Afghanistan may provide useful lessons for other societies emerging from conflict." (Summary)
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"Donor policies place great emphasis on the importance of state-building in post-Conflict states, and many donors also recognize the relevance civil society and a professional media sector have for successful transformation processes, says this report. However, operationally and conceptually these a
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reas are treated as separate sectors. Current post-Conflict assistance, this study argues, fails to pay sufficient attention to the links between state institutions, civil society and the media. In the first part, it reviews the current state-building debate and introduces the public sphere framework. For practitioners, the study provides a public sphere assessment toolkit and a toolbox for interventions. The second part provides the reader with a public sphere analysis of Timor Leste, Liberia and Burundi, and recommendations on how to address the specific challenges observed in these countries." (CAMECO Update 5-2008)
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"Die Arbeit untersucht, welche Rolle die Medien für die Demokratisierung des von 24 Jahren Krieg zerstörten Landes spielen können. Vor allem internationale Hilfsorganisationen sind gefordert, die aufkeimende afghanische Presse auf dem Weg zu Demokratie und Freiheit zu begleiten. Nach theoretische
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n Überlegungen zu Demokratie und Medien sowie der politischen Situation Afghanistans richtet sich das Hauptaugenmerk auf die praktische Medienförderung vor Ort. Die Verfasserin bereiste im April 2004 das Camp des Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) der Bundeswehr in Kunduz und besuchte eine Woche lang verschiedene Presseprojekte der Deutschen sowie weitere Medienprojekte internationaler NGOs in Kunduz. Es wird deutlich, dass Medien in Zeiten des gesamtgesellschaftlichen Umbruchs eine wichtige Rolle für den Demokratisierungsprozess eines Landes spielen können. Medienhilfe muss zudem mit konventioneller Entwicklungshilfe kooperieren und sich an die Gegebenheiten des Landes anpassen. Nur so kann eine Presselandschaft entstehen, die zum jeweiligen Volk passt und sich somit auch nach dem Abzug der internationalen Hilfsorganisationen weiterentwickeln und finanzieren kann." (Abstract, aus: Transfer 1/2005, http://www.dgpuk.de/transfer)
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"There is very little undestanding of the role that communicartion processes play in the numerous starnds of post-conflict reconstruction, including peacebuilding, governance, and long-term development. This paper addressess this gap by distilling lessons learned from the media and communication str
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ategies of different donors. It takes as its primary case study the Office of Transition Initiatives at the U.S. Agency for International Development, which has long track record of media and communication work in post-conflict environments. In doing so, it seeks to present a new model for understanding and working with communication in post-conflict and fragile environments." (Foreword)
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