"For almost twenty years, United Nations peacekeeping missions have set up local radio stations in conflict-prone countries - 14 to date, seven of which remain in operation. According to this report, some of the fourteen peacekeeping radio stations implemented by the United Nations contributed more
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to democratisation and media development in certain post-conflict countries than any other media assistance programmes. Surveys have confirmed their popularity and credibility with national audiences, and local journalists have lauded their contributions to media diversity and journalism standards. Nevertheless, Bill Orme states that the UN radios were created without long-term planning. Upon disappearance of UN peacekeeping missions the stations were simply closed, therefore losing their positive effects on democratisation and plurality. Only in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Radio Okapi) were there serious attempts to continue the stations after the exit of the UN missions. Based on detailed description and analysis of the different experiences, Orme formulates a number of policy steps that would help UN radios to become lasting contributions to press freedom and peacekeeping." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"Peace and Development Network Trust- Kenya (PeaceNet-Kenya) and The Seed Institute commissioned the “Nurturing Nationhood through Peace Media” study to assess the extent to which Vernacular/Community Radio stations cover peace programmes. The study gauged perceptions of audience as well as syst
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ematically quantified media content on indicators such as accuracy, fairness, objectivity and independence. As part of PeaceNet Kenya’s role in peace building and Conflict resolution, the research sought to evaluate variables such as: the depth of coverage of conflict issues, percentages of order restorers’, and the radio trends in addressing restorative justice in Kenya as well as the cultural transformation fronted by the media." (Introduction)
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"[...] International donor support for Afghanistan's media has had two primary goals. The short-term goal has been to counteract the effects of insurgent communications in order to win the hearts and minds of the Afghan people. The long-term goal has been to create a free and independent media secto
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r that will continue to function after donor support has ended. Although millions of dollars have been invested in the development of the Afghan media sector and the growth of private media since 2001 is considered one of Afghanistan's greatest success stories, neither of these donor goals is being met. Donor support for Afghan media has led to the growth of radio and television outlets that are almost entirely dependent on foreign funding - direct and indirect. Recent strategic communications policies have neither diminished nor adequately countered the presence of extremist voices in Afghanistan. Despite some examples to the contrary, Taliban communications continue to affect the lives of ordinary Afghans, whereas many communications by and from Western sources do not. Neither short- nor mid-term analysis of the Afghan economy - ranked the third poorest in the world by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) - foresees the growth of a market able to sustain Afghanistan's domestic media sector without foreign financing. The limited impact of Western communications endeavors, in conjunction with the predicted continued weakness of the Afghan economy, reveals an urgent need for a dramatic shift in the media strategies and goals pursued by the United States and its allies. First and foremost, donors should invest primarily in the Afghan media's production and dissemination of socially constructive contents rather than in building media institutions or infrastructure that the Afghan economy cannot support. For these contents to be received as authentic and credible, they must reflect the vulnerabilities and priorities that Afghans themselves have identified as vital. Donors should make a multiyear funding commitment to the media in Afghanistan. Support should be allocated to both terrestrial and wireless media through a transparent and competitive process developed jointly by donors and Afghan media experts. Aggressively supporting the dissemination of socially constructive contents through new outlets will permit access to both geographic and demographic segments of the population not adequately served by current media outlets." (Summary, page 3)
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"En esta cartilla hablamos de producción Eradial, discapacidad en radio y Verdad justicia y paz. Tres temas presentados en el contexto de las radios comunitarias en Colombia. Tres temas inherentes a la realidad nacional y a la Parrilla de Programación de cualquier radio comunitaria del país [...]
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La producción radial es el conjunto de técnicas y métodos que implementa un productor para desarrollar diversas estructuras programáticas de una o para una estación radial. La producción radial en el contexto de lo comunitario requiere de planeación y en ella se debe contemplar la acción, el modo y el efecto de realizar un programa a partir de la utilización de recursos creativos para llevar a la escena una obra radiofónica. El proceso de la producción radiofónica no se hace de manera independiente, sino que es producto del trabajo de un colectivo humano organizado y de la disponibilidad de ese equipo técnico, de investigación y creativo quienes intervienen oportunamente en la preproducción, producción y pos-producción, para obtener productos de impacto que motiven el interés de las comunidades por mantener la sintonía de los espacios que se emiten por una estación determinada.
Al cierre del texto, dos temas: discapacidad en radio y Verdad justicia y paz. El primero de estos temas presenta un mapa sobre la inclusión, diversidad, derechos y exclusión de personas con discapacidad en la vida nacional. Además, claro, de una mirada radiofónica dirigida a usted productor o productora de radio comunitaria. La definición de víctima, verdad, reparación, justicia, restitución y rehabilitación entre otros conceptos, son abordados al cierre de este material que usted lee." (Introducción)
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"This study presents definitive evidence that news coverage in Cyprus does not contribute to peace building. In light of the renewed negotiations in Cyprus for reunification, the Cypriot media should engage in responsible reporting. It is of utmost importance that Peace Journalism is introduced and
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supported in Cyprus now. There is a prevailing perception among journalists that as “I write the report, I don’t care about the rest” or “My business is news reporting, don’t put additional burdens on my shoulders.” Traditional journalists should first of all accept the fact that their practice of news reporting is problematic. It is not possible to come up with a solution to a problem without first acknowledging that there is a problem. Many journalists do not bother allowing room for statements of the parties facing incrimination in a news story, nor do they bother about enriching their news sources. Likewise, most journalists abide by state and government oriented news reporting, thus only considering the statements made by state authorities as stories having news value. They tend to report only the apparent or visible parts of a story or the action itself. In other words, most do not make an effort to do process-based and investigative reporting that also reveal the invisible parts of the story. Doing research and seeking to uncover the invisible entails arduous work and takes time." (Conclusion, page 93-94)
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"Les conflits qui ont ravagé la région des Grands Lacs durant la décennie 1990 ont été tellement interconnectés que certains analystes n’ont pas hésité à parler d’une « première guerre mondiale africaine ». Pourtant, alors que la guerre a été régionale, elle a longtemps maintenu l
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es journalistes enclavés dans leur perspective nationale et a empêché les professionnels de l’information de s’ouvrir aux points de vue les uns des autres. Aujourd’hui, alors que la paix s’installe progressivement et que les tensions entre les différents pays paraissent s’apaiser, les médias de la région sont des acteurs cruciaux du processus de réconciliation. En tant qu’informateurs des citoyens et formateurs de la mémoire collective, ils peuvent contribuer à l’élimination de la méfiance et de la haine, à la lutte contre la rumeur et la désinformation, ce qui est tout à fait capital pour que les populations d’Afrique centrale puissent débattre ensemble de leur destin commun. La présente étude tente de faire le point sur la manière donc les médias issus des trois pays (Burundi, RDC et Rwanda) couvrent les enjeux de la région. Les médias accordent-ils beaucoup d’attention à ce qui se passe dans les deux pays voisins ? Abordent-ils des thématiques d’intérêt régional ? Donnent-ils la parole à leurs voisins congolais, burundais et rwandais lorsqu’il s’agit de commenter les événements qui se déroulent dans les Grands Lacs ? Contribuent-ils à générer la méfiance et les malentendus entre les communautés de la région, ou maintiennent-ils les populations dans l’ignorance les unes des autres ? Pour apporter des éléments de réponse à ces questions, cette étude se fonde sur une opération de suivi et d’analyse des contenus d’information diffusés, durant un mois, par une trentaine de médias burundais, congolais et rwandais." (Dos de couverture)
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"This book explores the journalism coming out of the Afghan war from the frontline and from the greater comfort of the library. It is an unusual hybrid: the testimony of some of the best frontline correspondents of our era, much of it placed in appropriate historical contexts, alongside detailed aca
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demic analysis – and much more. It ranges from the poppy fields of Helmand province to New York via the Iraq War and the modern rebirth of “embedding”. It mixes action, reflection and analysis and focuses on some of under-reported groups such as women and the humanitarian effort in Afghanistan.
It has its origin in a conference in Coventry in March 2010 put on as part of the university’s Coventry Conversations series (with financial support from the Pro Vice-Chancellor and the Dean of Business) in conjunction with the BBC College of Journalism and journalism.co.uk (the website forum for digitally active journalists). All of that conference can be seen and heard on bbc.co.uk/journalism and Coventry.ac.uk/itunesu. Many of the contributors to this book took part in that conference though some extra pieces have been specially commissioned. The war in Afghanistan will soon be coming up to its tenth anniversary.
Operation Enduring Freedom started on 7 October 2001 as a response to the 9/11 al-Qaeda attacks on the Twin Towers in New York. Freedom in Afghanistan has far from endured in that decade. There are today 100,000-plus US troops, 10,000-plus British troops and 17,000 from ISAF allies – including Germany, France, Italy, Poland and Canada.
US intelligence admit that there are now fewer than 100 al-Qaeda (the reason for invading in the first place) fighters left in the country and that the Taliban could fight on for ever. British Prime Minister David Cameron told the House of Commons on 14 June 2010 after his return from his first official visit to Afghanistan that it was only the presence of the ISAF troops that kept al-Qaeda from returning to Afghanistan in numbers. The West is fighting a phantom and desperately searching for an exit strategy. The trouble is they will leave behind an Afghan government scarred by illegitimacy, corruption and more. The Killing Fields will continue for a while yet. Journalism has escaped comparatively lightly – just nine Western journalists killed in Afghanistan since 2001.
Like all big stories, this war has attracted the cream of British journalistic talent especially the broadcast reporters. TV awards have been won on the field of battle by the new Brahmins – the war corrs parachuted in and out of Helmand. The idea for the conference and for the book took hold when I judged the Royal Television Society News Programme of the Year Awards for 2009. All entries featured front line action from their stars. Many of them have contributed to this book." (Pages 3-4)
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"This article argues that Johan Galtung’s theory on peace journalism can serve as a fruitful supplement to theory-building in the field of war and peace journalism, and critically reviews the scholarly debate on peace journalism. By using examples from Norwegian media coverage of the war in Afghan
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istan and examples of research on the Norwegian media coverage of the war, the author argues that Galtung’s theory on peace journalism can also serve as a useful platform for teaching and journalism training in the field of conflict and war reporting." (Abstract)
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"Peace Journalism, War and Conflict Resolution draws together the work of over twenty leading international writers, journalists, theorists and campaigners in the field of peace journalism. Mainstream media tend to promote the interests of the military and governments in their coverage of warfare. T
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his major new text aims to provide a definitive, up-to-date, critical, engaging and accessible overview exploring the role of the media in conflict resolution. Sections focus in detail on theory, international practice, and critiques of mainstream media performance from a peace perspective; countries discussed include the U.S., U.K., Germany, Cyprus, Sweden, Canada, India, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea and the Philippines. Chapters examine a wide variety of issues including mainstream newspapers, indigenous media, blogs and radical alternative websites." (Publisher description)
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"This training guide explains what a target audience is, why a target audience should be defined for every radio programme, and how conflict and target audience sensitive journalism can contribute to peace building in conflict and post-conflict regions. It emphasises the need to define a target audi
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ence, ie "a group of people which probably shares many of the same beliefs, the same ideas or the same values, and which may live or work in similar circumstances and environments", to ensure that the programme can be tailored to the various groups involved in a conflict. As a practical approach, the guide provides a step-by-step checklist of questions that need to be considered when producing programmes, for instance: what is the programmes' objective, who is the primary/secondary target audience, who is - in contrast - the target group, and when does the target audience listen? Furthermore, the publication introduces methods for evaluating conflicts, eg, the conflict tree, or for defining the target audiences' knowledge and beliefs, such as the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD). The guide is a useful starting point for those who work in areas with a high potential for conflict and who wish to learn more about ways to reach conflicting groups." (commbox)
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"El presente trabajo nace de un acuerdo entre el DED y el IEP para realizar dos estudios sobre la implementación de las recomendaciones emitidas en el Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación . Este segundo trabajo trata sobre los medios de prensa y el Informe Final de la CVR; h
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a estado guiado por los siguientes propósitos: En primer lugar, analizar los mensajes aparecidos en los medios a raíz de la CVR, intentando captar tendencias y ejes de reflexión. En este sentido, la intención ha sido conocer a los actores de la comunicación y la naturaleza de sus planteamientos. A continuación, precisar las dificultades políticas y metodológicas que, a juicio de los periodistas, han limitado la implementación de las recomendaciones de la CVR. Para ello, el trabajo se pregunta por el estado actual de las reparaciones y las razones para su retraso, conversando en profundidad con distintos agentes del proceso de comunicación." (Introducción, página 9)
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"Since the fall of the Taliban in 2001, the Afghan media sector has experienced dramatic growth in all areas: television, radio, print, internet, mobile phones. As such, the sector holds tremendous potential for making significant contributions to peacebuilding in the country. However, the media sec
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tor also confronts numerous challenges that impede its ability to realize this potential – which can only be addressed through the combined efforts and attention of international and domestic stakeholders alike. Among the most pressing challenges is resolving the tension between information operations and counterinsurgency, on the one hand, and developing a viable, credible media sector on the other. All too often efforts to counter extremist messages through expanded military and government access to the airwaves (via purchased air time and proliferating “radio in a box” broadcasts from military outposts) have had a negative impact on both media market economics and media credibility. Sustainability is also a significant issue. A glut of media outlets has arisen that are privately licensed yet sustained by international donor funds and strategic communications money. This has had a deleterious effect on the perception of media, and its effectiveness as a guardian of public interests. The shortcomings of state-owned RTA as a public broadcaster further contribute to this, leading many experts to call for greater investment in long-term training and mentoring as well as regulatory reform to limit government manipulation of the airwaves." (Summary)
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"Much violent conflict today takes place in or near civilian populations with access to global information networks, so the information gathered by various parties to conflict may potentially be distributed in real time around the globe. The ability to communicate, and to produce and receive diverse
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information through participatory media, is part of a struggle within conflictprone societies between allowing for non-coercive debates and dialogue that focus on endemic weak-state problems and enabling those seeking power to organize for political influence, recruitment, demonstrations, political violence, and terror [...] The question of whether the presence of digital media networks will encourage violence or lead to peaceful solutions may be viewed as a contest between the two possible outcomes. It is possible to build communications architectures that encourage dialogue and nonviolent political solutions. However, it is equally possible for digital media to increase polarization, strengthen biases, and foment violence." (Executive summary, page 8)
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"In October 2008, the US Army released Field Manual 3-07 laying out its dramatically revised doctrine for peace and stability operations. At the heart of the new doctrine is a comprehensive approach to stability operations in fragile states that integrates the work of the military with that of inter
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national partners, humanitarian organizations and the private sector. Within this framework, the manual recognizes the important role media plays in successful stability operations. However, it stops short of recommending concrete steps for integrating media sector development with the full spectrum of reconstruction and stabilization activities. This article reviews what the new doctrine says about media sector development, what the gaps are in its treatment of media development, and provides six guidelines for closing these gaps." (Abstract)
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