"Building on rigorous research by the world-renowned Glasgow University Media Group, 'More Bad News From Israel' examines media coverage of the current conflict in the Middle East and the impact it has on public opinion. The book brings together senior journalists and ordinary viewers to examine how
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audiences understand the news and how their views are shaped by media reporting. In the largest study ever undertaken in this area, the authors focus on television news. They illustrate major differences in the way Israelis and Palestinians are represented, including how casualties are shown and the presentation of the motives and rationales of both sides. They combine this with extensive audience research involving hundreds of participants from the USA, Britain and Germany. It shows extraordinary differences in levels of knowledge and understanding, especially amongst young people from these countries." (Publisher description)
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"When news organizations began covering the Intifada in 2000, activists formed a media-monitoring group called Palestine Media Watch to lobby journalists to interpret the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within an international law framework. Activists minimized their dissidence in relation to journalis
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m, systematically monitoring coverage over a period of several months, and meeting face-to-face with newsworkers. Drawing upon archives and interviews, I demonstrate that dissident media-monitoring groups play a small, but meaningful role in the newsmaking process. Dissidents can produce changes because they can formulate criticisms that newsworkers define as "journalistically useful." I define these criticisms to show how the definition facilitates and limits what can be accomplished via systematic monitoring, and suggest alternative dissident media strategies." (Abstract)
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"Betrachtet man die Beliebtheit und den Hörerzuspruch für Loke Pol, kann man von einem Erfolg des Programmes sprechen. Auch wenn einige Aspekte des Senders Mega FM wie die quasi-Monopolposition die Rezeption des Programmes begünstigen, zählt Loke Pol sowohl in den Augen der Produzenten, angesich
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ts der prominenten Platzierung im Programmplan, und auf der Seite der Hörer durch die hohen Einschaltquoten und hohe Sendungskenntnis zu den populären Formaten. Obwohl insgesamt Nachrichtensendungen häufiger eingeschaltet werden, ist Loke Pol für Informationen zu den beiden Themenkomplexen der Sendung, Reintegration und Rücksiedlung, als Informationsquelle relevanter. Informationen vermittelt über Loke Pol sind für die Hörer zugänglicher und können leichter in Handlungen übersetzt werden, wie sich besonders in den Fokusgruppendiskussionen gezeigt hat.
Daraus lassen sich drei Schlüsse ziehen. Erstens kann Loke Pol erfolgreich sein, dieser Erfolg aber nicht auf das Format EE übertragbar sein. Zweitens kann der spezielle Kontext, in dem das Programm eingesetzt wird, unterstützend wirken, aber ein ähnliches Programm wäre in einem anderen Kontext nicht erfolgreich. Drittens können Evaluationsmethoden nicht sensibel genug gewesen sein, um sämtliche Effekte zu erfassen. Schlussfolgerung Nummer eins kann sicherlich bestätigt werden. Zwar sind die Ergebnisse für Loke Pol ein Hinweis darauf, dass das EE-Format wirken kann. Jedoch ist es kein Hinweis darauf, dass es wirken muss. Effekte können nicht nur dem Format EE direkt zugeordnet werden, sondern ergeben sich erst aus dem Zusammenwirken von Sendungsformat und Kontext. Dies wird deutlich, wenn man die „Extremen“ bei den Hörergruppen, nämlich Frauen, über 45-Jährige und Jugendliche betrachtet. Die zweite Schlussfolgerung trifft im Falle von Loke Pol in dem Sinne zu, dass der Kontext unterstützend auf die Rezeption und Popularität wirkt. Der Kontext, in den die Sendung eingebettet ist, unterstützt in zweierlei Form die Rezeption. Zum einen begünstigt die Ausgestaltung der nordugandischen Medienlandschaft die Loke Pol Einschaltquoten. So spielt die geringe Menge an Lokalnachrichten in den Nachrichtensendungen der Sender Gulus eine Rolle. Die einfachere Zugänglichkeit der Informationen aus Loke Pol hängt sicherlich auch nicht nur mit Formatbedingten Aspekten der Darstellung, sondern auch mit einer größeren inhaltlichen Nähe für das Alltagsleben der Hörer zusammen. Zudem wirken der offizielle Diskurs und das politische Klima fördernd auf die Unterstützung der Botschaft. Regierung und ein Großteil der NROs in Norduganda unterstützen die Rücksiedlungsprozesse." (Fazit, Seiten 75-76)
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"Mobile phones are the most ubiquitous communications technology in the world. Besides transforming the way in which we communicate, they can also be used as a powerful tool for conflict prevention and management. This book presents innovative uses of mobile technologies in the areas of early warnin
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g, disaster and humanitarian relief, governance, citizens’ participation, etc. and cuts across different regions. The book brings together experts and practitioners from different fields—mobile technologies, information systems, computer sciences, online dispute resolution, law, etc.—to reflect on present experiences and to explore new areas for research on conflict management and online dispute resolution (ODR). It also reflects on the transition from present ODR to future mobile Dispute Resolution and discusses key privacy issues." (Publisher description)
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"This report presents the full findings from a new and unique survey designed and conducted according to rigorous standards by the EU Kids Online network. It was funded by the European Commissions¡¦ Safer Internet Programme in order to strengthen the evidence base for policies regarding online saf
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ety. A random stratified sample of 25,142 children aged 9-16 who use the internet, plus one of their parents, was interviewed during Spring/Summer 2010 in 25 European countries. The survey investigated key online risks: pornography, bullying, receiving sexual messages, contact with people not known face-to-face, offline meetings with online contacts, potentially harmful user-generated content and personal data misuse. In this report, 'children' refers to internet-using children aged 9-16 across Europe." (Page 5)
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"Since Galtung (1998) and Kempf (1996) outlined their first ideas of an alternative to conventional war reporting, their model(s) of “Peace Journalism” stimulated a broad debate among peace researchers and journalists, practical thought about how to achieve this type of journalism, and a large b
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ody of basic theoretical and empirical research. How the concept of peace journalism developed in the course of these studies is documented in the present book which contains a collection of papers from the years 1997-2009 that previously were only available in German, in hard to find sources and/or in electronic form." (Publisher description)
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"Jahre nach dem Bürgerkrieg regiert in einem fiktiven Land Lateinamerikas das Vergessen. Die alten Sprachen sind verboten, Ortsnamen durch Zahlen ersetzt, die Erinnerungen an die Besiegten ausradiert. Norma aber leistet mit ihrer unverwechselbaren Stimme subtilen Widerstand als Moderatorin der Send
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ung Lost City Radio, in der Zuhörer nach Vermissten suchen können. Eines Tages taucht im Sender ein Junge aus einem Urwalddorf mit einer Liste Verschollenen und Getöteter auf, auf der auch der Name von Normas verschwundenem Mann steht." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This guide is for trainers of media workers and government officials in the strategic communication of major development objectives. It is intended to improve the skills of media practitioners and policy makers by helping them create and disseminate policy information in ways which are accessible t
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o different constituents. It also highlights the importance of giving citizens space to react, comment and interact with policy decisions in real and creative ways. As such the guide is at the centre of a regional project set up by the conflict transformation NGO Search for Common Ground (www.sfcg.org), and supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Finnish Government. The project, 'Radio: A Platform for Peacebuilding (RAPP)', which includes the website www.radiopeaceafrica.org, covers seven West and Central African countries. The project's overall objective is, to improve the population's access to information about policies and decisions that affect their lives [...] The RAPP project has undertaken media sector mappings in the seven countries. Media sector mapping (MSM) is a tool that identifies how information is generated and communicated to citizens and how they in turn use this information to participate in the implementation of government policies. The findings of the MSMs suggest that few governments are successfully communicating their major development policies to the citizens. They therefore run the risk that the policies will never take hold, and the essential reforms will not occur, so increasing the risk of conflict. Once citizens are able to become involved in policy decisions and programmes which affect their lives, rather than being viewed and treated as the simple (and grateful) recipients of largesse from above, these policies take on a more meaningful existence - one in which strategies are created, and decisions are made by the people who are most affected by them. In this model strategic communication becomes a key component of the development process, meaning that communication is a dialogue, from the government to the people and from the people to government (vertical communication), as well as allowing for communication across society from one community to another (horizontal communication)." (Introduction)
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"The essays collected in this book follow a contemporary critical trend in the field of trauma studies that reflects comparatively on artistic and media representations of traumatic histories and experiences from countries around the world. Focusing on a diversity of art and media forms—including
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memorials, literature, visual and installation art, music, video, film, and journalism—they both apply dominant theories of trauma and explore the former’s limitations while bearing in mind other possible methodologies." (Publisher description)
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"The monitoring of Iraqi media reveals that inflammatory coverage does not necessarily consist of a direct call to violence, but instead takes the form of indirect or coded terminology that still has dangerous potential to foment conflict. Current regulatory and self-regulatory efforts designed to p
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revent media incitement to violence have, thus far, been insufficient. Lessons learned from post-conflict Bosnia, Kosovo and Sri Lanka can assist Iraqis in creating their own legal and self-regulatory mechanisms to limit inflammatory media coverage. There are a wide range of measures to mitigate inflammatory media coverage, including targeted training for media and government officials, broad support for a professional code of conduct, a full review of existing legislation relating to incitement, and the creation of a lexicon of inflammatory terms with guidelines for the proper use of these terms." (Abstract)
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This report details the results of the first year of a two-year impact assessment being conducted on the Interactive Radio for Justice project at its sites of operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR). Interactive Radio for Justice is a project designed t
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o encourage dialogue between people in regions where the International Criminal Court (ICC) is investigating serious crimes (genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes) and the national and international authorities responsible for rendering justice to them. The project produces a number of serial radio programmes dealing with child soldiers, peace and reconciliation, and justice which broadcast over community radio in several languages.
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"The chronic uncertainty for journalists and editors in carrying out their professional work in Colombia has many sources and has been serious for decades. Currently – besides indicators of extreme physical violence (such as daily attacks, abuse, kidnappings and murders) – problem areas are stro
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ngly marking journalistic work in Colombia that are often neglected in the international discussion, such as inadequate training offerings, unsatisfactory infrastructure in the workplace, precarious wage situations, lack of independence in relationship to editors and a poorly taught understanding of professional ethics. These structural problems produce qualitative deficiencies – especially in conflict reportage. But instead of stagnation, change is occurring. Colombian journalists are revising their self-image, at the same time developing a problem consciousness in their own work, and are actively trying to correct the deficiencies." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes the way the Colombian conflict is represented in Colombian and international qualitative independent opinion articles and their influence on readers' understanding of the conflict. In Colombia there are independent journalists, but according to this research, they are victims
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of polarization and for this reason support the war, although without a conscious intention to do so. Nevertheless, with the help of international qualitative media it would be possible to reorient Colombian journalism to journalism pro peace. This research suggests that Colombian journalism must and can be reoriented to a more proactive approach. The results of this experiment are encouraging, and perhaps if they were introduced into praxis, they would provide an opportunity for a country that desperately needs peace." (Abstract)
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"This working paper is about the private media in Syria. A new publishing law was passed in 2001, which allowed the private sector to re-enter the media industry, having been banned from it since 1963. The relatively high number of approved publications since 2001 provides the Ministry of Informatio
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n with an argument in its favour, which it uses every time the media situation in Syria is discussed. However, even though the new law does not impose censorship as a prerequisite, it does remain very repressive and contains an arsenal of restrictions that complicate the work of journalists. It also affects all other forms of publication in Syria and entering the country from abroad, as well as printing presses, with sanctions ranging from fines to imprisonment. In appearance, there are many indicators of an increased openness, but closer scrutiny of the way that the media actually function gives a better understanding of this distinctively Syrian “static reform." (http://www.search4dev.nl)
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