"The global success of the film KONY 2012 by Invisible Children, Inc., manifests far greater magical powers than those of Joseph Kony and his ruthless Lord’s Resistance Army, which it portrays. The most prominent feature of the Invisible Children lobby is the making and constant remaking of a mast
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er narrative that depoliticizes and dehistoricizes a murky reality of globalized war into an essentialized black-and-white story. The magic of such a digestible storyline, with Ugandan rebel leader Joseph Kony as a global poster boy for evil personified, not only plays into the hands of the oppressive Ugandan government but has also become handy for the US armed forces as they seek to increase their presence on the African continent. As the US-led war on terror is renewed and expanded, Invisible Children’s humanitarian slogan, “Stop at nothing”, has proven to be exceptionally selective, manifesting the occult economy of global activism that calls for military interventions." (Abstract)
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"This chapter discusses the role of collective victimization in inciting, sustaining, and preventing intergroup conflict. The emerging psychological literature on this topic has studied collective victimization that was experienced directly in one’s lifetime, as well as collective victimization ex
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perienced indirectly, through transgenerational and societal transmission. Affective, cognitive, and behavioral responses to collective violence against the ingroup are discussed that affect intergroup relations with the perpetrator group and with other groups—in ways that either contribute to cycles of violence and revenge, or to constructive intergroup outcomes such as solidarity and reconciliation. Various types of victim beliefs that social psychologists have recently begun to study are broadly classified as conflict-specific or global, and as inclusive or exclusive victim beliefs. Additional factors are identified that might moderate the effects of collective victimization on intergroup outcomes. The chapter concludes with a discussion of interventions that have addressed the role of collective victimization and victim beliefs." (Abstract)
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"[...] Afghanistan is a fragile, fractured state and has one of the most fragile and fractured media, where almost anyone with sufficient funds and the opportunity to move quickly has been able to establish a media presence. This environment has enabled the flourishing of television, radio and other
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media established and owned by powerful political and religious leaders, or by those with allegiance to them. Some fear a future of increased ethnic, sectarian and factional strife being played out through the airwaves. Though there are some very successful commercial television channels, there is no independent and widely trusted national media capable of transcending or creating communication across the fracture points in Afghan society. Most media is either localised or seen as serving political, religious or other agendas. The future of the national broadcaster, RTA, still the only broadcaster with a truly national presence, is uncertain. While journalism as a whole has expanded greatly, investigative journalism remains limited. The sustainability of the newly established commercial media is widely questioned. With the total annual advertising market in the country estimated by some at little more than $20 million, there are real concerns that if donor support declines much of the media will wither or fall prey to factional, religious or extreme forces. There is no shortage of such forces. A number of media outlets already play upon ethnic and sectarian tensions. The Taliban, notorious when in power for shutting down media and banning video tape, have embraced the web and run one of the most effective media strategies in the country. In 2012, the mood music is one of compromise with the Taliban. Concern in the country is growing that new found media freedoms may be the price of that compromise. The role of donors in media support in Afghanistan is probably greater than in any other country at any other time. Such support is largely responsible for the development of a substantial media sector, but it faces criticism that it is poorly coordinated, short term and not informed by aid effectiveness principles; that it focuses too heavily on advancing the agendas of the donors; and that in some sectors it is distorting the media market in ways that create dependency and inhibit the development of genuinely sustainable Afghan media ventures." (Executive summary)
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"The ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinians is increasingly being played out in parallel on the internet. Recently, a great deal of media attention has been devoted to a series of spectacular hacker attacks that caused dozens of Israeli and Palestinian websites to crash, including thos
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e of the secret service agencies Mossad and Shin Bet. However, for Israelis and Palestinians who are willing to participate in dialogue, the internet also offers much needed opportunities for contact and the peaceful exchange of ideas." (Page 6)
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"Focusing on theories of change can improve the effectiveness of peacebuilding interventions. A review of 19 peacebuilding projects in three conflict-affected countries found that the process of articulating and reviewing theories of change adds rigour and transparency, clarifies project logic, high
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lights assumptions that need to be tested, and helps identify appropriate participants and partners. However, the approach has limitations, including the difficulty of gathering theory-validating evidence." (Executive summary)
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"Since the invasion of Iraq in 2003, war journalists have reported news from the battlefields and streets of Baghdad to the world audiences. As the violent conflict in Iraq winds down, so do the war reporting operations in Iraq. Based on in-depth interviews with 23 war correspondents, this study inv
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estigates gatekeeping forces that affected the journalists’ news coverage of the Iraq War. The study found that the war journalists singled out personal judgment, an individual-level gatekeeping force, to be the most salient element in reporting the escalation period of the Iraq War. However, the journalists responded that financial constraints and deference to audience interest, organizational-level, and social institutional-level gatekeeping forces determined the direction and the volume of the war reporting more saliently during the de-escalation period of the Iraq War." (Abstract)
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"This paper documents the effect of Serbian public radio on the voting behavior and nationalistic anti-Serbian sentiment of Croats in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srijem, a post-conflict region of modern Croatia on the border with Serbia. We find that the exposure to the Serbian public radi
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o convinces some Croats to switch to voting for ultra-nationalist parties from voting to moderate nationalist party. In addition, exposure to Serbian public radio increases the incidence of ethnically-offensive graffiti on public buildings in the center of their villages. The results of a laboratory experiment confirm that Serbian public radio causes an increase in anti-Serbian sentiment among Croats. Our results indicate that foreign media can have substantial cross-border effects in countries characterized by post-conflict ethnic tensions such as Croatia. These findings are likely to apply more generally to areas of past conflict with similar languages and overlapping media markets. This suggests that peaceful relations between neighboring countries depend in part on the content of media programming, and the extent of media overlap. Hence, nation-building efforts implicit in the nationalistic content of the media (in this case, the Serbian radio) can have important spillovers on the persistence of peace between countries." (Conclusion, page 22)
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"The role of journalists in covering trauma and tragedy isn’t new. Witnessing acts of violence, destruction and terror has long been the professional responsibility of countless print and broadcast reporters and photographers. But what is new is a growing awareness of the emotional consequences of
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such coverage on the victims, their families and loved ones, their communities, and on the journalists whose job it is to tell these stories. Trauma Journalism personalizes this movement with in-depth profiles of reporters, researchers and trauma experts engaged in an international effort to transform how the media work under the most difficult of conditions. Through biographical sketches concerning several significant traumatic events (Oklahoma City bombing, Columbine school tragedy, 9/11, Iraq War, the South Asian tsunami, Hurricane Katrina), students and working reporters will gain insights into the critical components of contemporary journalism practices affecting news judgment, news gathering techniques, as well as legal and ethical issues. Trauma Journalism calls for the creation – through ongoing education – of a culture of caring among journalists worldwide." (Publisher description)
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"All stories about an ordinary person who becomes the victim of abuse require extra sensitivity, because survivors of abuse – whether the abuse is physical, emotional or political – are usually survivors of a traumatic event. There are many kinds of traumatic events. A terrible car crash, an ear
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thquake, and a war can all be traumatic events. In this guide, we will focus on trauma caused by violence – civil or political unrest, war, genocide, communal violence, domestic violence, and sexual violence. Experiencing a traumatic event affects survivors in many ways. Journalists should be aware of these effects because they will also affect how journalists can – and should – work. This guide will give working journalists concrete tools for understanding the effects of trauma and for conducting sensitive reporting and writing on trauma stories. It is written for group use and for self-study." (Page 2)
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"During 2010 Kyrgyzstan experienced two periods of conflict that took the country to the brink of civil war: the overthrow of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev in April and the ethnic violence in the south of the country in June. The use of blogs and social network sites as well as mobile and multimedia p
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latforms during the upheaval has led some observers to link developments in Kyrgyzstan to other recent cases of social protest where new media has been prominent. However, these events offer no simple answer to the current social media debate. The complex and shifting role of new media as a factor in the events in Kyrgyzstan illustrates that the two conflicts were different in important ways and that new media was used differently in each. While new media made significant contributions to these events, it did not drive them and its importance has to be seen alongside the more conventional mobilization techniques and the role of traditional international media—which was often the source of social media reporting." (Abstract)
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"Peace journalism is hardly a new concept, Galtung and Ruge having provided a key conceptual underpinning in 1965 and in later studies. However, while it flourished significantly in parts of the globe in the 1990s, notably the Philippines, albeit frequently referred to there as ‘conflict-sensitive
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journalism’, it has only relatively recently become an approach seriously considered as applicable in a South Pacific context, especially in the wake of the Bougainville civil war and the Solomon Islands ethnic conflict. With other political upheavals such as four coups d’état in Fiji in two decades, paramilitary revolts in Vanuatu, riots in Tahiti and Tonga, protracted conflict in Papua New Guinea’s Highlands, and the pro-independence insurrection in New Caledonia in the 1980s, conflict resolution poses challenges for the region’s journalists and their education and training. Peace journalism is one approach that can arguably make sense of a region that has become increasingly complex, politically strained and violent, yet the concept is generally eschewed by mainstream media as a threat to the core values of ‘traditional journalism’ itself. This article examines conflict trends in the South Pacific, discusses the concept of peace journalism and argues that journalists can take a more constructive approach to reporting conflict in the region. (Abstract)
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"Desde la perspectiva de los medios de comunicación, se presentan en esta obra investigaciones académicas y lecciones aprendidas en cuatro apartados: el impacto de los medios de comunicación en la construcción de violencia cultural, medios alternativos para la construcción de paz, alfabetizaci
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n mediática y, por último, la propuesta de las Espirales de Paz para reaprender la anhelada y esperanzadora, pero al tiempo compleja, Alianza de Civilizaciones. El libro es parte del trabajo realizado por el departamento de investigación en comunicación para la paz de la Cátedra UNESCO de Filosofía para la Paz de la Universitat Jaume I de Castelló y el Instituto Interuniversitario de Desarrollo Social y Paz (IUDESP), en colaboración con United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC)." (Cubierta del libro)
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"[...] Explores the role played by local-nationals in covering the crisis for global audiences and how these journalists differed from the traditional, Western-born foreign correspondents who worked alongside them. The research draws on two methods: in-depth, semi-structured interviews with foreign
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correspondents in Khartoum, Sudan; and a content analysis of the news articles they produced. The results show that Sudanese journalists differed from Western foreign correspondents in a number of important ways. They worked in greater fear of the government of Sudan, and they had a different understanding of their role as journalists which, importantly, did not include a strong sense of their work as 'watchdog journalism'. The content analysis confirms that these differences matter; local stringers produced news that was significantly less critical in tone, presented fewer competing viewpoints, and privileged the government of Sudan's position." (Executive summary)
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"Peace journalism finds its place in newspapers and magazines, on radio and television, in film and documentaries, in digital media and mainstream cultural events such as public exhibitions and debates. There are also transnational online communities like Avaaz.org, which is dedicated to organizing
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“citizens of all nations to close the gap between the world we have and the world most people everywhere want.” At the heart of the matter lies power. Excluding, invisibilizing, and marginalizing people facilitate all kinds of travesty and injustice. Including, making visible, and placing people at the centre of decision-making uphold their human rights. Thus, peace journalism falls squarely within the realm of the right to communicate – strengthening the ability of people and communities to make known their economic, political, social, and cultural aspirations and urging them to live in peace with one another." (Editorial, page 2)
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"A wide array of media development practitioners, donors, international broadcasters, and methodologists, all with extensive experience working in media initiatives in conflict environments met in Caux, Switzerland, in December 2010, to establish the Caux Guiding Principles, whose full text is in th
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is report. Based on a careful appraisal of the current status of monitoring and evaluating media interventions in conflict countries, the Caux Principles outline measures that stakeholders can take to improve evaluation. The Caux Principles urge those working in media and conflict initiatives to take several concrete steps to improve evaluation. These include enabling better collaboration between donors and implementers, expanding financial support for evaluation, encouraging realistic and honest assessments of project successes and failures, designing flexible evaluation plans that are sensitive to changing conditions on the ground, and engaging with local researchers." (Abstract)
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