"Journalism has always been an unsafe practice in modern Turkey. However, ties between the political system and democracy have been severed by the recent witch-hunt following the most recent failed coup, in 2016, and the subsequent societal collapse triggered by the administration of the state of em
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ergency. In fact, mass and commercial journalism culture, whose foundations were built upon the post- World War II efforts to create a democratization trend and the transition to the multi-party system, were never strong enough to generate a sustainable liberal-pluralist set of media norms as in the West. Instead, a media system that serves the needs of political and economic power elites was both established and entrenched (Adakl*, 2006; Kaya, 2009)." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on relevant literature, analysis of North Korean media and information control techniques, and interviews with refugees and defectors, this report argues that a new US information strategy is needed to alleviate the social isolation of the North Korean people and improve their long-term wel
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fare." (About the report)
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"Das Buch befasst sich mit der Rolle von Medien in einem politischen Ausnahmezustand. Bettina Haasen hat in Burundi Journalistinnen und Journalisten zu ihrem beruflichen Rollenselbstverständnis befragt und diese Aussagen unter Berücksichtigung ihrer sozialen Herkunft und den Zielen der internation
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alen Medienentwicklungszusammenarbeit (MEZ) kritisch in den Blick genommen. Mit dem gescheiterten Putsch im Jahr 2015 hat das Mediensystem in Burundi einen grundlegenden Wandel erlebt: Medienhäuser wurden vollständig zerstört, Hunderte von Journalisten leben im Exil und die Meinungsfreiheit wurde begraben." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Over the past few years, Lebanon has witnessed an alarming increase in attacks on peaceful speech and expression. The country’s criminal defamation laws, which authorize imprisonment up to three years for peaceful speech, have been used against citizens who have written about pressing social issu
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es, including corruption. Government data indicates a 325% increase in defamation cases for online speech between 2015 and 2018. Based on research conducted over the course of a year and extensive interviews with defendants in criminal defamation cases, lawyers, government officials, and civil society, Human Rights Watch found that the prosecution, security agencies, and judiciary behaved in ways that suggested bias in favour of the complainants. These patterns illustrate the potential for public officials, religious groups, and security agencies to misuse criminal defamation laws as a tool for retaliation and repression. Individuals who had been sued faced a number of serious consequences as a result of the criminal process, including physical abuse and privacy violations during interrogations, pretrial detention, family separation, and considerable mental and financial stress. The increasing use of criminal defamation laws has had a chilling effect on free speech in Lebanon." (Back cover)
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"Jagendra Singh hatte wieder und wieder über einen Minister der Regierung im Bundesstaat Uttar Pradesh berichtet, der in den illegalen Abbau von Sand involviert gewesen sein soll [...] Singh ist einer von weltweit mindestens 13 Journalisten, die seit 2009 mutmaßlich getötet wurden, nachdem sie ü
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ber Ressourcenausbeutung oder Umweltverschmutzung berichteten. Zahlreiche weitere wurden angegriffen, eingeschüchtert oder mit Klagen überzogen, um ihre Berichterstattung zu behindern. Die Organisation Forbidden Stories, ein internationaler Zusammenschluss investigativer Journalisten, hat deshalb das Projekt "Green blood" - grünes Blut - ins Leben gerufen. 40 Journalisten von 30 Medienorganisationen haben in den vergangenen Monaten zusammengearbeitet, um die Arbeit von Kollegen fortzuführen, die bei Recherchen über Umwelt- und Ressourcenausbeutung getötet oder beeinträchtigt wurden. Darunter Reporter von Guardian, Le Monde, El País und den deutschen Medien Süddeutsche Zeitung, WDR und Die Zeit. Forbidden Stories hatte bereits im vergangenen Jahr die Arbeit der ermordeten maltesischen Journalistin Daphne Caruana Galizia fortgeführt, um ein Signal zu setzen: Wer einzelne Reporter zum Schweigen bringen will, muss damit rechnen, dann einer Vielzahl von Reportern gegenüberzustehen. So kam es auch im Fall von Jagendra Singh und dem verdächtigen Minister Rammurti Singh Verma. Reporter von Forbidden Stories sprachen mit Hinterbliebenen, der einzigen Zeugin des Vorfalls, ehemaligen Kollegen und anderen Journalisten vor Ort. Sie erfuhren, dass Verma der Familie des verstorbenen Journalisten umgerechnet etwa 45 000 Dollar gezahlt hatte mit der Bedingung, dass sie auf weitere Anschuldigungen gegen ihn verzichten und die von der lokalen Polizei verbreitete Darstellung der Todesumstände akzeptieren würden: Singh habe Selbstmord begangen." (https://www.sueddeutsche.de)
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"This report specifically examines legal remedies for online attacks against journalists. It looks at three case studies, in Finland, France and Ireland, of female journalists who were viciously attacked online for their work and the ensuing attempts to hold the perpetrators accountable. From an ana
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lysis of the case studies, it offers best practices and recommendations for OSCE participating States in implementing and interpreting laws so as to effectively respond to the diverse and growing forms of online harassment and protect the rights of journalists to do their work safely online without compromising freedom of expression as guaranteed by international human rights law." (https://www.osce.org/representative-on-freedom-of-media)
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"El investigador Óscar Lucien, exdirector del Instituto de Investigaciones de la Comunicación (Ininco) de la Universidad Central de Venezuela y autor del libro Cerco rojo a la libertad de expresión (La Hoja del Norte, Editorial Dahbar, Caracas, 2011), sostiene que el régimen venezolano ha diseñ
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ado una arquitectura legal de control a la información, por un lado, y de limitación a la libertad de expresión, por otro." (Página 2)
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"The period between 2014 through the end of 2018 has seen 495 journalists killed, according to UNESCO data, which represents an 18% increase in the number of killings as compared to the preceding 5-year period (2009-2013). Based on the number of killings, the most dangerous regions for journalists a
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re the Arab States region, the Latin America and Caribbean region and the Asia and the Pacific region. Across all regions the vast majority of killings were of local journalists, rather than foreign reporters. The five-year period saw an inversion in the proportion of journalists being killed outside of conflict zones. While in 2014 a majority of journalist killings occurred in conflict regions, in 2017 and 2018 more killings (55% in both years) occurred outside conflict regions. This trend reflects the changing nature of violence against journalists, who were increasingly silenced for reporting on issues of corruption, crime and politics. Although the vast majority of journalists killed are men, killings of women journalists almost doubled relative to the previous 5-year period (24 female journalists were killed in 2009-2013, compared to 46 in 2014-2018). The issue of impunity remains widespread, with only 131 cases of journalists’ killings reported by Member States as being resolved since 2006, representing an overall impunity rate of 88%." (Executive summary, page 8)
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"In many African countries, including Zimbabwe, journalists have been subjected to various policy regulations that have widely been criticised for making the practice of journalism difficult. Part of the reason has been the advent of competitive politics that have left the ruling regimes scrambling
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to limit freedoms and stopopposition onslaught on their power. One way the Zimbabwean government has limited freedom of expression has been through the introduction of the Interception of Communications Act, a surveillance regulation law that has had a chilling effect on the practice of journalism. This paper utilises Pierre Bourdieu’s journalistic field as theoretical lenses, focusing on the concepts of journalistic field to explore how journalists have been affected by the threats posed by this law in their daily newsgathering and production activities. The study is based on qualitative interviews with Zimbabwean journalists and civil society activists with an interest in the media, sampled from the private print media. The article argues that state surveillance has disrupted the journalistic field in the country by damaging the relationship between journalists and their sources, thus compromising one of the basic tenets of journalism. Journalists can no longer follow the widely held newsgathering routines as a result of state surveillance policies. Furthermore, investigative journalism, which was already under pressure from political influence, has been further eroded. We argue that Zimbabwe journalists need to develop reporting practices that expose surveillance and find creative ways to negotiate and resist surveillance." (Abstract)
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"We present a classification of the types of censorship of media to frame the various issues that journalism and freedom of expression face in Mexico, which mainly include the role of the State in preventing or enforcing censorship, the monopoly of a few corporate groups that control most of the mas
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s media and dictate fixed editorial lines throughout all of them, the effect of violence on journalism and the issues that are emerging around the freedom of expression in social media." (Abstract)
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"My focus in this chapter is on civil society mobilization in Tanintharyi Region in southern Myanmar, and particularly in Kanbauk, a village of about 1,500 households in the Tanintharyi Hills, eighty kilometres north of the regional capital, Dawei. In recent years, Kanbauk villagers have contended w
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ith Delco Ltd, a Yangon-based company that runs a tin and tungsten mine in their area in a production-sharing agreement with the government-owned Mining Enterprise No. 2. Villagers have been seeking to assert some influence over company practices, especially regarding the release of wastewater into local streams. Tensions intensified after an accident in September 2015 in which a tailing pond embankment collapsed causing a flash flood that led to the death of a child and the destruction of many villagers' houses. I discuss the resistance effort that emerged in the village and the company's strategies to suppress and dismiss it. Specifically, I focus on the work of a Kanbauk writer and activist, Aung Lwin, and an evocative essay he wrote, published in May 2016 in Tanintharyi Weekly, a small regional publication. Written from the perspective of a fish dying in a stream polluted by mining waste, Aung Lwin's essay offers a sardonic view of events in the village and hints at a possible arrangement between the company and local government officials. As part of its larger effort to quash local resistance to the mine, Delco filed (and won) a lawsuit against Aung Lwin for criminal defamation under Article 500 of the Myanmar Penal Code. The case reveals the complexities of the current moment in Myanmar and the uncertain spaces in which actors in civil society are operating. It reveals as well the fraught dynamics of media, as authoritarian forces remain active and unpredictable. Although this particular lawsuit was brought against the writer rather than the publication, it has wider implications for Myanmar media, especially for smaller, more vulnerable, regional outlets." (Page 152)
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"Freedom of expression has a history. It is neither coeval with Christianity, as Catholic apologists sometimes assume, nor inherently valuable, as commentators in the United States often contend. On the contrary, it emerged in its modern form only in the seventeenth century as a byproduct of generat
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ions of horrific warfare between Catholics and Protestants. For John Locke, freedom of expression took the form of an appeal for religious toleration; in the Enlightenment, this appeal would become transmogrified into a principled defense of pluralism as a civic ideal. Innovations in the means of communications have often been disruptive. Yet the challenge posed by digital media is unusually stark. A new age calls for a new vision. The value of free expression is enhanced, and not diminished, if it is localized in time and space. Liberty is the ally, and not the antagonist, of political regulation and social control. What the sacred cause of liberty demands is not more free expression, but better free expression, and in the pursuit of this elusive yet essential goal, there is much to be done." (Conclusion)
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"The more undemocratic the system of government, the more likely it is that the Internet will be shut down. To prove this, the authors refer to the annual Democracy Index of the British consulting firm Economist Intelligence Unit of the news magazine of the same name. According to the index, 17 of t
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he 22 states with Internet blocking are classified as "authoritarian". In the states classified as democratic or partially democratic, the governments have refrained from restricting Internet access. According to the study, the longevity in power also plays an important role: Eleven of the 14 African heads of state who have been in power for 13 years or more have at least temporarily switched off the Internet in recent years. These figures aren't really surprising: it's obvious that despots don't fit into the crap of hard-to-control communication platforms on the Internet. According to the study, not only civil society, but also the economy suffers from the Internet barriers: local and national telecommunications providers in the affected countries have made direct losses; in addition, the barriers have frightened off potential investors in the long term." (www.welt-sichten.org, April 9, 2019)
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"Through a meticulous empirical examination of the criminalization of the Turkish hacktivist group Redhack, Dogan explores the critical conflation of hacktivism with cyber-terrorism—by national security organizations and academic researchers alike —that enables states to criminalize non-violent
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hacktivist groups. The paper’s empirical sources include interviews with Turkish security agents, legal and regulatory texts, and its theoretical grounding is a combination of literatures on moral panic, hacking, social movements, critical criminology, and framing analysis. In examining how Redhack constitutes an anomaly, and in exploring how anomalies point to the necessity of grounded, context-sensitive research, Dogan contributes conceptual development beyond Turkey and beyond hacktivism." (Page 1)
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"The News Organizations Safety Self-Assessment provides a tool for news outlets to review and improve safety practices and protocols that affect the newsroom and journalists out in the field. The Self-Assessment should help news organizations to identify and better understand their own weaknesses an
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d strengths in relation to the security of all the individuals working for them who are exposed to danger, including freelancers. The Self-Assessment should prompt a constructive internal conversation around best practices and encourage practical and effective ways to advance these internally. The suggested Self-Assessment can be used as a template, can be modified and adapted according to the nature of the news organization, or used to inform mechanisms already in place." (Introduction)
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"The sample of media investigated by MOM includes 52 national outlets: 14 Television channels, 14 radio stations, 10 printed newspapers and 14 news websites. Most of them are owned by a few private companies mostly located in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires. They concentrate audience shares, i
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ncome from private and state advertising, news production and distribution networks. State-owned media outlets are less and less influential. Each of the four media sectors (TV, radio, printed press and online) in the MOM study shows high levels of ownership and audience concentration. Grupo Clarín is the only conglomerate that has a considerable market power in all areas of the media and telecoms industry. Other less important actors include Grupo América (formerly, Grupo UNO), which has focused on free TV and radio since it sold its cable TV company Supercanal in 2018; and Grupo Indalo, which holds interests in radio, TV and print, although its future is uncertain due to the judicial investigation involving the group’s owners, who were in prison at the time of this study." (http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/argentina)
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