"This book studies tabloid journalism newspapers within the broader context of press freedom in Africa. After defining tabloid journalism and professional practices within various political contexts, the book then proceeds to consider tabloids in Southern Africa and emerging cyberspace laws. Many fa
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ctors of press freedom are considered, including the impact of public order and national security laws on tabloids in North Africa, the impact of defamation laws on tabloids in West Africa, the impact of the fake news laws on tabloids in East Africa, and the impact of sedition and treason laws on tabloids in Central Africa. Exploring tabloid journalism and press freedom in Arabic, Portuguese, and Francophone speaking countries across Africa, this book is a unique addition to this emerging field. The book concludes by providing a synthesis of the developing patterns from the cases analysed and by looking to the future to make recommendations and map the challenges and the successes." (Publisher description)
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"This article investigates how news professionals in a nondemocratic regime rationalize their institutional roles and daily reporting practices, negotiate boundaries of their work, and make sense of their professional activities. This study used qualitative interviewing to explore personal experienc
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es, perceived practices, and opinions of Belarusian journalists and media experts. When addressing the gap between their understanding of normative roles and describing their actual practices, journalists provided such rationalizations as personal beliefs and motivations, risks, internal conflict, and professional deformation, as well as attempts to find middle ground. News practitioners in autocratic regimes often expand boundaries of press freedom with civic courage by reporting critically of government policies and taking risks when public interests are at stake. In addition, the study highlights that certain restrictions lead to a more disciplined professional culture of journalists as thorough fact-checking is necessary to avoid penalties enforced by government offices." (Abstract)
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"New technologies have opened several risks to safety of journalists. More importantly, in the state of emergency caused by the Covid-19 outbreak, journalists and media actors have shifted their activities online more than ever, which also made them more prone to digital threats and attacks. In some
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regimes there are even organized intimidation campaigns against political opponents causing chilling effect and self-censorship, and jeopardizing freedom of expression in general. Hungary as a member of the European Union since 2004 and Serbia as a leading candidate to join the EU are two countries where the problems and concerns about media freedom is growing every day. The fear from the unknown during the international pandemic gave opportunity to some governments to hide their real political agendas and cover their desire for the 'good-old-fashioned' censorship. The number of countries where some kind of censorship could be found is growing every day. The authors will show two country-case-studies from Hungary and Serbia, where the leaders and the political situations are very similar and could show a (good or bad) example to other countries that would like to follow the illiberal views on media issues." (Abstract)
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"The political context for practicing free and independent journalism has always been challenging in Turkey and ever more so after the failed coup d’état of 2016. This article examines and analyzes the changes brought about by this failed coup d’état in terms of their civil, legal, and politic
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al significance for news journalism and news journalists. More specifically and based on two sets of semi-structured interviews with Turkish editors and senior journalists supported by an analysis of gray literature, we argue that between 2013 and 2018 Turkey has moved from a pre-coup repression of news journalism (2013–2016) to a post-coup oppression of news journalism (2016–2018). The former was characterized by unsystematic attacks on news journalism conducted with impunity leading to a climate of fear that made self-censorship inescapable. In contrast, the latter relied on constitutional changes and the use of law to systematically compromise the civil institution of news journalism and to cast news journalists as political enemies of the Turkish state resulting in what can be likened to a loss of their citizenship. We further argue that the development from the repression to oppression of news journalism has been ‘authorized’ and ‘legalized’ by the constitutional changes that came into force on 9 July 2018." (Abstract)
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"This chapter focuses on the context of violence and political polarization in three Central American countries: Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, and analyses how these conditions negatively affect press freedom and the practice of journalism. The author argues that the notion of “insecure dem
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ocracies” can be applied to the reality of these countries and discusses relevant limitations for the work of media organizations and journalists, and how these constrains might impact journalists’ motivations to engage in self-censorship. The author concludes that the engagement of political, social and academic actors and journalists’ associations is necessary for improving the conditions for press freedom, the safety and security of journalists, plural and diverse media systems, and for deepening the understanding of self-censorship in these Central American countries." (Abstract)
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"This paper is written for the purpose of creating a roadmap to support press freedom and freedom of expression in the Afghan reconciliation process. Afghan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) prepared the document in collaboration with Afghan media representatives. The sole purpose of the roadmap is
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to protect and preserve press freedom and freedom of expression as fundamental principles and values in Afghanistan and as two of the most significant achievements of the past two decades." (Page 2)
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"Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) indicator 16.10.1 proposes an important monitoring agenda for the global recording of a range of violations against journalists as a means to prevent attacks on the communicative functions of journalism. However, the need for extensive collection of data on violat
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ions against journalists raises a number of methodological challenges. Our research shows the following issues must be addressed: the lack of conceptual consistency; the lack of methodological transparency; the need for sophisticated data categorisation and disaggregation to enable data to be merged from different sources; the need to establish links to understand causal and temporal relations between people and events; the need to explore and utilize previously untapped data sources. If we are to strengthen the monitoring of SDG 16.10.1, we propose to develop a robust and reliable events-based methodology and a set of tools which can facilitate the monitoring of the full range of proposed 16.10.1 categories of violations, reconcile data from multiple sources in order to adhere to the established 16.10.1 category definitions, and to further disaggregate the proposed 16.10.1 categories to provide more in-depth information on each instance of a violations. This, we argue, will ultimately contribute towards better understanding of the contextual circumstances and processes producing aggressions against journalists." (Abstract)
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"In 2019, the European Union adopted the “Directive (EU) 2019/1937 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October 2019 on the protection of persons who report breaches of Union law” (Whistleblower Protection Directive). EU Member States are required to transpose the provisions of th
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e Directive into national law by 17 December 2021. This is an opportunity for all EU countries to bring their national legal framework on whistleblower protection in line with international standards and best practice. The Directive contains many advanced provisions, such as the obligations for a wide range of entities to establish internal whistleblowing mechanisms, to follow up on reports and to keep the whistleblower informed. However, it also has some significant gaps [...] It is important therefore that EU Member States adopt national legislation on whistleblower protection that not only meets the minimum standards of the Directive but that also goes beyond the Directive, to meet international standards and best practice. As such, this methodology is designed to enable assessment of national legislation on whistleblower protection against both the minimum standards set by the EU Directive and best practice." (Introduction, page 3)
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"This chapter examines the perceptions of Nigerian journalists towards the Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018 and the governments’ online surveillance. The study employs survey and interview methods: 217 Nigerian media practitioners selected from print and online media responded to the questionnaire
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while ten key informants were interviewed. The findings revealed that a majority of the respondents are concerned about the government’s effort in suppressing freedom of expression. They believe that personal interest rather than national interest constitutes the basis for the government’s online surveillance and the proposed new Press Council Bill, which a majority believe will gag the press and restrict freedom of expression in Nigeria. A majority of the respondents also consider the government’s online surveillance an impediment to their professional duties and a violation of their privacy. Hence, they believe that it is not unlikely that their digital presence has been tracked and monitored by government security agencies. As a result, respondents have resorted to avoiding certain topics considered critical of government while also avoiding activities on social media that may be considered controversial or suspicious. Hence, respondents believe protecting the anonymity of their sources and disguising their digital footprints are the needed safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"This chapter’s point of departure lies in its focus on how journalists and media organizations navigate through unsafe environments and avoid self-censorship. The study specifically explores the connection between safety and self-censorship and journalist’s deployment of social media in the Uga
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ndan context. Through interviews and focus group discussions, the study shows that journalists and media organizations (sometimes) use social media to avoid covering unsafe news scenes and to bypass suppression intended to drive them into self-censorship. Journalists and media organizations are able to overcome state-instigated censorship by using platforms such as Facebook and Twitter to obtain journalistic material, which may not be accessible through conventional means. Using the case of the Ugandan government closure of Daily Monitor newspaper in 2013, the chapter shows that the media organization heavily relied on social media to remain in operation during the period when it was under siege. The chapter concludes that employing social media in journalism practice is one of the mechanisms used by journalists and media organizations to surmount safety problems and repression. The author acknowledges the safety problems arising from digital tools and platforms but argues that exploiting the advantages they present, such as being alternative avenues for newsgathering, reporting and dissemination, contributes profoundly to the survival of independent journalism in non-democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"The definition of censorship denotes direct or overt restriction on free expression or freedom of the media. The popular understanding of self-censorship involves a person’s involuntary self-silencing. A journalist’s wilful, personal, intentional self-censorship, at times motivated by selfish m
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otives, is often overlooked especially when there is complicit acceptance of political perspective or financial interest, or normalization/naturalization of unethical practices. Systems and ideologies can condition individuals to self-censor using what Louis Althusser has termed Ideological State Apparatuses and Repressive State Apparatuses, including interpellation. The Zimbabwean Crisis that has resulted in the polarization of Zimbabwean media along political lines demands an evaluation of the notion of self-censorship. Instead of merely focusing on the involuntary nature of self-censorship, there is need to assess instances when journalists self-censor and selfishly comply with political and commercial interests at the expense of serving the lofty ideals of the public good and public interest. Numerous examples exist where Zimbabwean journalists were abused and their rights violated leading to the adoption of self-preservation by such journalists and others when faced with the choice of whether to write or not to write, to tell or not tell. However, journalists are systematically recruited into party and commercial systems, and they have comfortably adopted a cosy demeanour to the extent of collaborating with powerful interest groups and formations. When journalists self-censor not because of fear of violence or threats or other safety concerns, it undermines the transcendental ideal of providing information as a public good and in the public/national interest." (Abstract)
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"In this report, Human Rights Watch documents 33 cases between 2016 and 2020 in which authorities in areas controlled by the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) have arrested, brought charges against, and sentenced journalists, activists, and other dissenting voices under
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these legal provisions. Thirteen of these cases involved individuals covering or supporting protest activities. Seven cases involved individuals writing in mainstream or social media about state corruption, a major concern motivating protesters in 2019 and 2020. Iraq’s parliament should amend laws and penal code articles that limit free speech in ways that are inconsistent with international law. Iraqi federal authorities and the Kurdistan Regional Government should direct security forces to end intimidation, harassment, and assault as well as arrests of journalists and others for exercising their right to free expression." (Back cover)
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"Pervasive media censorship in China is often seen as a strictly political issue. Although in past years reporters have had leeway to report on economic issues, the Chinese Party/state has moved to tamp down economic journalism, even arresting those who report on bad economic news. This shift brings
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to the fore an issue long ignored by social scientists – economic censorship. Economic censorship takes place when state-owned enterprises (SOEs) or large private companies pressure the state to censor negative reports or directly pay off media companies to quash such reports in favor of more positive ones. Such economic censorship distorts markets and shifts investor money away from new market entrants and towards large, well-resourced and well-connected SOEs. Using a database of Chinese newspaper articles from 2004 to 2006 and a separate database of newspaper articles, blog posts and micro-blog posts from 2010, and supplemented by secondary sources, this paper examines how media coverage is distorted by censorship and corruption to the benefit of China’s entrenched interests. In particular, I find that private and provincially owned companies receive much more press coverage than do their central government (SASAC) owned equivalents, controlling for a number of factors." (Abstract)
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"One of the greatest obstacles confronting the journalism profession in the discharge of their duties is the indiscriminate physical and digital threat being experienced by journalists all over the world, particularly within sub-Saharan Africa. The continuous attacks facing journalists in Africa, mo
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st especially during election times, violate their fundamental human rights. Journalists play a major role in the dissemination of information before, during and after an election. Unfortunately, elections in many African States are characterised by uncertainty, due to the possibility of election-related violence, which has led to the killing and disappearance of many journalists.
Design/methodology/approach: The study adopts a qualitative research approach involving a descriptive survey design. A purposive sampling of 20 respondents is adopted across various media organisations in Nigeria.
Findings: The study explores the role and importance of journalists during an election. It also examines the consequences of electoral violence on journalists and the discharge of their duties. It further assesses the role of the state authority in the protection of life and the safety of journalists during the election period. Finally, the study posits that a guard against the threat against journalists such as killings, ill-treatment and other interferences during and after the election period is essential and should be taken as a collective responsibility of all the various stakeholders in the community and nations." (Abstract)
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