"This article investigates the flow of communication policy principles across the supranational, international and national levels, through the lens of policy transfer. Policy transfer is a new concept for the field of media and communication studies. The article utilizes and expands on the concept
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to study the case of digital policy flows between leading regional powers, the EU and USA and MERCOSUR. The article argues that EU and US policy priorities are reflected in the Latin American policy framework, which shifts from a focus on audiovisual and culture-centred objectives to the digital economy paradigm. MERCOSUR then functions as a policy broker between 'outside' interests and those of its member states through the influence of international key players whose interests clash with those of regional goals." (Abstract)
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"How do memories circulate transnationally and to what effect? How to understand the enduring role of national memories and their simultaneous reconfiguration under globalization? Challenging the methodological nationalism that has until recently dominated the study of memory and heritage, this book
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charts the rich production of memory across and beyond national borders. Arguing for the fruitfulness of a transnational as distinct from a global approach, it places the issues of circulation, articulation and the scales of remembrance at the centre of its inquiry. In the process, it sheds new light on the ways in which mediation, post-coloniality, migration and regional integration affect both the way we remember and the role of memory in contemporary societies. In this interdisciplinary collection, humanities and social science scholars examine a rich sample of cases from the nineteenth century on, stretching across the globe from Vietnam to Europe and the Middle East, to the USA and the Pacific, and involving a wide range of cultural practices from quilting to films, from photography to heritage sites and monuments. In the process, the volume develops a new theoretical framework while proposing new methodological tools and resources for studying collective remembrance beyond the nation-state." (Publisher description)
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"Building a body of empirical evidence about why and how journalists use such multimedia and the consequences of this for journalism, NGO-work and those represented, is the central focus of this thesis. Unlike previous research on news coverage of Africa and journalists’ use of NGO-provided multim
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edia that tends to focus on the coverage of ‘disasters’ or ‘humanitarian emergencies’, this study analyses journalists’ use of NGO-provided multimedia about Africa during a very different news-making period – what journalists call a ‘quiet news week’.
The research involved sixty semi-structured interviews with those whose decisions shaped the production of six media items, which were also subject to qualitative content analysis. These items were about a range of topics and African countries: all of which were published or broadcast in news readily available to British audiences. But why and how journalists used NGO-provided multimedia was shaped most powerfully by the ‘moral economies’ (Sayer 2007) structuring each news outlet. These moral economies were found to have brought about a ‘quiet revolution’: leading to the emergence of a number of heterogeneous, normatively-laden coalitions between NGOs and news outlets, often hidden from the view of audiences. Consequently, journalists’ use of NGO-provided multimedia was found to have limited progressive potential: for it inhibited collective reasoning by preventing critical scrutiny, as well as systematically excluding the political value of ‘voice’ in ways which further marginalised the disadvantaged and powerless (Sen 2010)." (Abstract)
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"This article highlights how one online news organisation in the global south, with no more than three staff and no foreign correspondents, strategically used multiple wire service feeds to successfully cover a significant story more comprehensively than its better-endowed co-owner. It compares the
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timeliness and comprehensiveness of coverage of this century's first genocide in Darfur, Sudan, by the United Kingdom's Guardian (UKG) and its co-owned South African Mail & Guardian Online (MGO). Despite the 3 000 miles distance between Darfur and Johannesburg, its lack of foreign reporters and few staff, the MGO covered the Darfur crisis earlier, with better attention to detail and specifics. The MGO staff expressed surprise at their more comprehensive coverage, and credited the clarity that came from their primary gatekeeping focus on Africa as the reason." (Abstract)
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"The transformation of the U. S. Hispanic and Latin American television industrial landscape is slowly reshaping the composition of interregional programming flows, with an increasing presence of transnational corporations competing in different modalities in national markets. While long-standing do
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minant Latin American media corporations still hold a disproportionately hegemonic position in their domestic markets, the production of culturally proximate products is no longer the prerogative of national networks. The transnational invites us to reflect on the new sets of collaborations and transnational industrial structures of production, distribution, exhibition, and consumption resulting from the interrelated institutional relationships among television corporations across the region." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on the psycho-social dimension of the diaspora through an examination of the online news consumption practices of the Zimbabwean diaspora. The objective is to contribute on theoretical debates about the way in which the diaspora imagine their citizenship in the digital age. Dat
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a were elicited through an open-ended questionnaire e-mailed to Zimbabweans in the diaspora selected using the snowball sampling method. In addition, in-depth interviews with five of the respondents based in South Africa were also held to complement the survey data. The article argues that Zimbabwean diaspora use online newspapers to assert their membership to the Zimbabwean political community. This active information-seeking disposition of the diaspora is an affirmation of their loyalty to the homeland regardless of the social, economic and political reality in the homeland. The symbolic assertion of transnational loyalty by the Zimbabwean diaspora to the homeland could be viewed as a performance of patriotic citizenship through seeking of collective identification around the nation state." (Abstract)
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"Éste artículo tiene como objetivo analizar cómo ha sido el proceso de integración fronteriza que tiene Colombia con sus vecinos amazónicos, Brasil y Perú, alrededor del territorio de la Triple Frontera compartida por los tres países. Por medio de revisión bibliográfica, una visita de campo
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y el análisis de datos e información, se muestra como de la disputa territorial y el miedo al vecino hasta finales del siglo XX, se pasa a un proceso de integración fronteriza que se sustenta en la realidad compartida en la Triple Frontera y en factores de integración como la existencia de una historia común, recursos compartidos y las fuertes dinámicas de interacción entre las poblaciones de la región fronteriza. Se concluye que para entender las realidades y problemáticas de la región fronteriza se hace necesario tomar en consideración como actores a Brasil y Perú y a sus poblaciones y que con esos países Colombia ha propiciado procesos de cooperación e integración fronteriza, que se hacen cada vez más pertinentes." (Resumen)
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"Russland versucht seit Jahren, sein Image zu verbessern. Für dieses Ziel werden Auslandsmedien ausgebaut und PR-Firmen beauftragt. Aber es fehlt eine Gesamtstrategie und das Grundverständnis, wie demokratische Öffentlichkeit funktioniert. Trotz teilweiser Erfolge wird Moskau ohne einen politisch
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en Wandel und gesellschaftliche Modernisierung in Russland nicht viel erreichen. Das zeigt auch der Blick auf einige der Akteure staatlicher Imagepolitik in Deutschland." (Abstract)
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"China’s media offensive in Africa is an expression of the need to create advantageous conditions for its own trade relations and for strategic alliances, for example in international organizations. At the same time, China’s global charm offensive or »charm defensive« is also a reaction to wha
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t China often feels is unfair reporting in western media about China and China in Africa. Consequently, the Chinese leadership is investing in internationalizing and expanding its state media in cooperation with African state media and in ambitious exchange and training programmes for African journalists. The aforementioned objectives of Chinese foreign media are accompanied and supported by strategic Chinese corporate investment in information technology and telecommunications infrastructure in African countries. In other words, China’s soft power approach is flanked by hard power. German foreign and development policy should carefully analyse the growing competition and criticism of western reporting about Africa and draw conclusions for media development cooperation." (Page 1)
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"Seit Januar 2014 bietet Russlands Fernsehen einen besonderen Blick auf die Ukraine. In ihrer Aggressivität und Demagogie ist die Berichterstattung beispiellos. Sender rücken vermeintliche „Konzentrationslager für prorussische Aktivisten“ ins Bild, sprechen von einem „Genozid“ an den russ
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ischsprachigen Menschen in der Ukraine und diffamieren die Protestbewegung des Euromajdan als „Faschismus“. Keine Diffamierung ist zu abwegig, um sie nicht zu senden. Polittechnologen stehen hinter dieser Desinformationskampagne. Doch um sie durchzuführen, bedarf es willfähriger Journalisten. Redakteure, Reporter und Moderatoren geben sich dazu her – aus Zynismus und politischer Überzeugung. Dass dabei ihr Berufsethos und die professionellen Standards verloren gehen, ficht sie nicht an. Sie sehen sich in einem Informationskrieg mit dem Westen." (Abstract)
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"Qatar remains a vulnerable micro-state wedged between its large neighbours, Saudi Arabia and Iran. In the long-term this cannot be gilded by its smart advertising strategy. Long-term success can only be achieved with a labour market that is not dependent on gas revenues and a qualified local workfo
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rce that will remain in the country even in the event of a crisis." (Publisher description)
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"Transversal dissent by communities whose actions and identities are no longer primarily state centric but, rather, have shifted to cross identity boundaries is one of the most important developments for understanding how politics is being transformed today. Burmese media groups, political activists
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, migrants, and refugees, while challenging the state of Myanmar and, at times, the sovereign state power of host states, have not yet been openly challenging the state system itself. In fact, they generally desire to rebuild a community within such a sovereign state system. Yet, the work of activists in exile offers insights into "the intrinsically co-Constitutive relation between the 'informal' and the 'formal' political spaces and how they transform each other" (O'Kane 2006)." (Concluding thoughts, page 158-159)
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"China’s quest to improve its international image has increased exponentially in the last decade through cultural diplomacy and the media. However, the expansion of China’s state-led media has received mixed reactions and even stereotypes in Africa. By examining scholarly responses towards China
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’s media in Africa, this paper observes that the arguments seem fall from one side to the other and new perspective is needed for better understanding of China’s media in Africa. Therefore, based on the analyses of Challenges and stereotypes against the so-called ‘positive reporting’ of China's media in Africa, the paper proposes to revisit the journalism of China's media from the concept of constructive journalism to figure out what exactly makes the engagement of China’s media different from Western media in Africa. The paper concludes that it is indeed too simple labeling China’s media with positive reporting and constructive journalism helps to offer a new perspective to understand China’s media." (Abstract)
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"Focusing on Kurdish television broadcasts in Europe, this article sheds light on how minority broadcasting interrelates with national and intergovernmental political agendas and issues of national security. Drawing from a thorough analysis of policy and diplomatic documents, press articles, academi
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c literature and two expert interviews and focusing on three Kurdish TV channels in Europe, Med-TV, Medya-TV and Roj-TV, it describes how the contrast between Turkish and European media freedoms and minority rights has driven Kurdish broadcasting to develop in Europe, rather than in Turkey. It reveals how, in an effort to obstruct these broadcasting activities, Turkey’s diplomatic undertakings have been able to sway opinions in several countries and get them to endorse more restrictive media policies." (Abstract)
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