"The study examines Global Times’ strategic narratives on the Russia-Ukraine War (2022–2024) by analysing 301 articles through issue, identity and systemic frameworks. It reveals China’s framing of the conflict as a US-Russia proxy war, positioning itself as a neutral mediator advocating multi
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lateral dialogue while critiquing Western hegemony. The narratives portray Russia as a rational actor defending sovereignty, Ukraine as weakened yet reckless, and Europe-EU as internally fractured. Systemically, China projects a multipolar vision, blending realist power dynamics with idealist peace-building. The findings underscore China’s media diplomacy in contesting Western discourse and advancing its global governance agenda." (Abstract)
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"Extant research on migrants’ media use and trust has delivered mixed evidence on whether, and in which ways, migrants stay loyal to their homeland news media and/or develop trust in host-society media, particularly when the narratives of the two types of media clash. To advance this strand of res
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earch, this study scrutinizes how an audience group with migration background, who lived the first part of their lives under authoritarian rule but then relocated to a democracy, negotiates trust in their multilingual, transnational news environments. Specifically, we conducted semistructured interviews with forty-two Russian-speaking first-generation migrants living in Germany in 2021. As we find, distinct understandings of the concept of “truth” played a pivotal role in how our participants negotiated trust in their transnational news environments. We distinguish broadly two understandings of “truth”: (1) “truth” as a category grounded in factual evidence and (2) “truth” as a nonevidence based category grounded in values, emotions, or identities. Illustrative for the second understanding, some participants felt a strong moral obligation to believe Kremlin-sponsored media as they perceived these organizations as representing their homeland, independently of whether their news coverage was factually accurate or not. The two understandings of “truth” also affected how and where participants sought for what they considered the “truth.” In the “Discussion” section, we argue that particularly the non-evidence-based truth-understandings formulated by our participants, and the ensuing truth-seeking strategies are conducive to the reach and persuasive impact of Kremlin-sponsored content among Russian speakers living abroad." (Abstract)
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"In recent years, IMS has seen a steady increase in the number of its media partners forced to flee their home countries to avoid persecution and closure as the democratic space globally has shrunk. IMS expects this trend to continue, with “exiled media” becoming the main – and, in some cases,
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only –source of public interest journalism for audiences in more and more countries. This situation, along with the likely drop in development assistance by some of these exiled media’s main funders, calls for a more strategically coherent and creative response from IMS and our colleagues in the media development sector. The briefing paper Navigating instability provides an initial framework for this response, based on learning from the support IMS’ programmes have provided to exiled media over 20-plus years. With additional input from exiled media leaders, IMS’ Exiled Media Working Group has identified five phases of transition and evolution that media appear to go through between deciding to leave their home country and either returning home again or permanently settling in their host country; a long and often stormy journey, fraught with risks and uncertainty and involving many twists and turns. Crucially, Navigating instability shows there is light at the end of the turnnel – there are media that survive exile and eventually return home, often stronger and wiser having spent years – sometimes decades – away and ready to play a leading role in transforming their country’s media, once opportunities allow. This calls for a long-term approach that enables exiled media to chart their journey with less jeopardy and more certainty. Navigating instability illustrates each phase of exile through the eyes of media leaders experieincing the situation first-hand, and outlines the support that IMS can provide media partners during each phase. The briefing paper also presents a set of recommendatons to the media development sector, our donors and other policy makers on how we can collectively address the gaps in our support to exiled media." (https://www.mediasupport.org)
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"Humanitarian crises are challenges affecting millions of people. They are diverse and global – be they natural disasters, famine crises, conflicts or wars. However, the attention of the global public is usually focused on a few, particularly prominent crises. With this Crisis Report, which is bei
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ng published for the ninth year in a row, CARE puts ten underreported crises and the people affected into focus. The facts speak for themselves: as a consequence of these underreported crises, around 34.8 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance. As in the last two editions of our report, these crises take place exclusively in Africa. While conflicts, hunger crises and extreme weather events in countries such as Angola, Mozambique and Niger have a massive impact on the lives of those affected, the emergencies largely escape global attention. Our media analysis for the year 2024 shows the weighting of reporting on humanitarian crises at a global level. A total of 43 crises were analyzed for the report. Each of these affected at least one million people. Of the total of 5.6 million online articles analyzed, 2.7 million articles - almost half - are about the devastating conflict in Gaza. Numbers never capture the scale of human suffering. In many of these crises, mothers, fathers and children struggle to survive on a daily basis - often without access to basic humanitarian aid or international support. And underreporting on a crisis is often accompanied by a lack of financial support for people in need.." (Introduction, page 3)
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"Twenty-four highly accomplished and prominent media scholars representing ten countries provide a survey of international communication, public relations and advertising, implications of globalization, international law and regulation, global culture, propaganda, transnational media, the shifting p
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olitics of media, trends in communication and information technology, and much more. The fourth edition includes six new contributors (Lee B. Artz, Daniela V. Dimitrova, Berna Ackali Gur, Petros Iosifidis, Perry Keller, and Nicholas Nicoli) who cover such issues as politics of global culture, global theories, global law, implications of internet and politics. Other chapters are fully updated to foreground contemporary examples and major events that have impacted our global communication environment. Collectively, new contributions and updated chapters reflect the rapid technological and communications changes that are taking place nationally and globally." (Publisher description)
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"Africa could be losing up to $4.2 billion annually in interest payments on its
loans primarily due to stereotypical narratives that dominate global media
coverage of the continent. The media’s portrayal of Africa has long been dominated by persistent stereotypes. This report explores the economic
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consequences of such biased reporting by examining the relationship between media bias in election coverage and its impact on financial flows. Using a mixed methods approach, the study quantifies media bias by comparing African countries to their peers and assesses how this bias correlates with sovereign bond yields or interest rates, a key financial indicator. The research analyses this correlation both quantitatively across election periods and qualitatively through case studies, with the ultimate aim to measure the economic impact of misrepresented media coverage on Africa. Our findings show that African countries receive increased media attention during general elections, with a disproportionate focus on negative issues such as violence and election fraud. This emphasis is more pronounced compared to coverage of non-African countries with similar political risk conditions, resulting in higher negative sentiment and bias scores for African nations. Notably, the term “violence” is highly associated with Africa in media coverage, particularly in election-related headlines. Our analysis further established a clear connection between media sentiment and investor perception of risk, which is closely tied to sovereign credit risk. Negative media coverage increases a country's perceived risk, which leads to higher borrowing costs. Conversely, positive media sentiment is correlated with a lower risk profile and reduced bond yields. Yet, this study found that African countries are unjustifiably perceived as higher risk by international investors, leading to significantly higher credit costs compared to countries with similar political and socio-economic conditions. Building on this key finding, we analysed a group of African countries to quantify the estimated additional costs the continent incurs on loans due to biased media coverage." (Executive summary)
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"En septembre 2022, suite à l'assassinat d'une jeune fille kurde iranienne par les patrouilles d'orientation, l'Iran connaît des mois de soulèvements contre le régime. Si ces derniers adoptent de nouvelles formes de contestation, ils sont causés par les mêmes injustices que les précédents mo
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uvements sociaux dans le pays. Ces formes nouvelles ont eu un écho médiatique sans précédent dans le monde. Ce travail de recherche tente de comprendre et d'analyser comment la presse française a couvert ces soulèvementsIl s'interroge sur le cadrage médiatique qui en a été fait afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure cette couverture reflète les préoccupations de l'espace public français et comment elle participe à la construction d'une réalité journalistique." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Korean popular culture has taken the world by storm with the recent rise of Korean entertainment globally, such as Squid Game on Netflix and the Oscar Award-winning Parasite. Fans of Korean popular culture have formed coalitions in Asia, North and SouthAmerica, and other parts of the world. These c
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oalitions or fandom groups go beyond merely meeting up, exchanging paraphernalia, or posting photos of their pop idols on social media; their enthusiasm has thrived in the realm of social activism. This research examines K-pop fandom activities during Thailand’s 2020 Student Uprising, tracing the operationalization of fandom, the transfer of skills and affective fandom practices into political engagement, and the role of digital proficiency in their fan-driven, collective movement." (Abstract)
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"The study presented here [...] is not limited to generalised theses and descriptions of the Balkan media scene under Russian influence that only scratch the surface. Rather, the focus is on documenting the effectiveness of Russian state media in the region with a focus on Serbia, which also has an
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impact on its neighbours Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro (NATO member), all three of which are EU accession candidates. From this, strategies and recommendations for action are derived as to how the politically poisonous influence of Kremlin propaganda could be curbed after years of futile endeavours." (Introduction)
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"How did the Trump administration capture one of the world’s most important public service news networks? This book uses rare interviews and an analysis of private correspondence and internal documents to explain why and how Voice of America (VOA) became intensely politicized from 2020 to 2021. It
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analyzes how political appointees, White House officials, and right-wing media influenced VOA—changing its reporting of the Black Lives Matter movement, the presidential election, and its contested aftermath. Trump allies took control of the network’s financial and human resources, dominated its governance structures, and instigated intimidating investigations into journalistic bias. Some journalists tried to resist, but others were too exhausted and fearful, particularly those in the organization’s language services. The book puts these events in historical and international context—and develops a new analytical framework for understanding government capture and its connection to broader processes of democratic backsliding. It argues that there is currently too little to prevent a future US administration with authoritarian tendencies from capturing VOA and converting it into a major domestic news organization. For this reason, it uses empirical research to recommend practical ways of protecting the network and other international public service media better in future." (Publisher description)
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"A Saudi-led coalition of states initiated an on-going-armed conflict in Yemen on 26 March 2015. Meanwhile, Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Though no two armed conflicts are exactly alike, there is reason to compare US media coverage of the two because: (1) civilians have been victims of
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both conflicts; (2) both conflicts have undermined food security; (3) the US has provided military support to a party to each of the conflicts; and (4) the conflict in Yemen is in the Global South whereas the conflict in Ukraine is in the Global North. This article comparatively analyses US media coverage of the conflicts in Yemen and Ukraine, via New York Times headlines, by documenting the number of stories and their placement; assessing the types of media frames used; reviewing headlines for attribution of responsibility; and conducting a content analysis to identify the descriptive and normative terminology used. We find extensive biases in coverage and framing, rooted in peripheralism, culturalism and differential geopolitical US positioning. This results in reduced coverage of the war in Yemen, shielded in neutral language and lacking responsibility attribution—serving to devalue the suffering of victims and condemning the crisis to be functionally forgotten." (Abstract)
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"Since the 2000s, China has deepened public relations in its engagement with Africa primarily through economic investment and assistance. The present work looks at China’s African public relations and the mechanism that shapes public perception of China, focusing on Mali. Mali is not a major desti
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nation for Chinese investment, yet public perceptions of China appear to be uniquely positive. How may we explain this trajectory? The work undertakes a longitudinal examination, comparing China’s economic developments in Mali (2010–20) with Malians’ perception of China’s influence on the Malian economy that shapes the general perception and attitude towards China (2010–20) and the media’s role in this process. Some questions guide this study: how do Chinese economic activities in Mali shape Malians’ perception of China? How does the media contribute (if any) to shaping Malian perception of China’s developmental programmes? Employing a mixed research method and a range of datasets, I find that economic investment does not necessarily shape positive public perception of China in Mali. Instead, how the public receives information about economic investments shapes and enhances a positive perception of China in Mali. Consequently, China would substantially enhance its image-building effort when its foreign economic development assistance is linked with public relations, making economic programmes more visible through media representations. I based the theoretical discussion on the media agenda-setting framework." (Abstract)
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"The Rwandan genocide is the second most audio-visually recreated genocide after the Holocaust, with approximately 200 films and documentaries produced in 39 countries between 1994 and 2021. Historical Media Memories of the Rwandan Genocide studies the construction, the development, and the recreati
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on of the transnational historical media memory of the genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994. This is the first comprehensive work that traces the international media image and the creation of historical memories of the Rwandan genocide, starting with the day to day television news reporting in 1994, and continuing with analyzes of how the genocide has been used and recreated in film and documentaries on a global level as well on a national level, where Rwanda, as a nation, creates its own images of the genocide in film and television production in order to support a new national identity." (Publisher description)
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"China’s biggest media conglomerate, Xinhua, has 37 bureaus in Africa. This dwarves any other news agency—African or non-African—and is a dramatic increase from just a handful two decades ago. Another Chinese media giant, StarTimes, is China’s biggest player in African digital TV and the sec
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ond largest in Africa after South Africa’s DSTV. StarTimes is installing satellite dishes in 10,000 rural homes across 20 African countries, linking them to Chinese digital TV, further embedding itself on the continent.
Many of Africa’s young journalists are trained in China and paid by Chinese media entities. In Kenya alone, 500 journalists and local staff are employed by Chinese media agencies, dispatching 1,800 news items monthly. Veteran China-trained Kenyan journalist Joseph Odindo, the former editorial director of Nation Media Group (East and Central Africa’s largest media conglomerate), notes that he had to keep close watch on his workforce while at the Standard Group. “[W]e had to draw up a chart which would enable us to see who was out on a Chinese training at any given time, who was due to come back, and who was next—otherwise you could find half of your newsroom is in Beijing undergoing training.”
The surge in Chinese investments in the African media space is part of a global strategy by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to gain influence in the developing countries by shaping their information environments. The CCP views the media as a battleground for “telling China’s story well,” a phrase coined by CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping in 2013 at the party’s National Propaganda and Ideology Work Conference. China’s ruling party, according to its own policies, regards the media as an arena of combat to advance its narratives and policies and to discredit those of its adversaries without using military force. This invokes the Sun Tzu concept of “winning battles without fighting,” a concept CCP propagandists frequently use to describe their media offensives." (Introduction)
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"For the second year in a row, all ten of the most under-reported crises are in Africa. From conflict in Angola to climate change in Zimbabwe, every entry in this report represents countless human tragedies taking place in the shadows of the world’s gaze. Our second most under-reported crisis coun
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try, Burundi, briefly hit the headlines in the summer of 2023, when ten Burundian handball players ran away from the Under-19 World Cup in Croatia. They later turned up in Belgium seeking asylum, after which the media spotlight turned away again – the individual stories behind Burundi’s shocking poverty statistics once again unheard." (Introduction, page 3)
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"International broadcasting services are typically designed to serve public diplomacy and soft power objectives. Traditionally, Western powers have explored and benefited from this state-sponsored media category. However, countries in the Global South, like Brazil, have endeavoured to establish cros
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s-border television services to bolster their international presence. This paper scrutinizes TV Brasil Internacional as a case study, examining its designated functions, management, and funding models. The research illuminates through document surveys and semi-structured interviews that while the channel initially reflected Brazil’s external policies and public service ideals, structural alterations enabling increased governmental intervention alongside budget cuts rendered the international service dormant." (Abstract)
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