"Beijing's state-backed media, which once seemed incapable having a significant effect globally, has been overhauled and expanded. At a time when many democracies' media outlets are consolidating due to financial pressures, China's biggest state media outlets, like the newswire Xinhua, are modernizi
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ng, professionalizing, and expanding in attempt to reach an international audience. Overseas, Beijing also attempts to impact local media, civil society, and politics by having Chinese firms or individuals with close links buy up local media outlets, by signing content-sharing deals with local media, by expanding China's social media giants, and by controlling the wireless and wired technology through which information now flows, among other efforts. In Beijing's Global Media Offensive - a major analysis of how China is attempting to build a media and information superpower around the world, and how this media power integrates with other forms of Chinese influence - Joshua Kurlantzick focuses on how all of this is playing out in both China's immediate neighborhood - Southeast Asia, Taiwan, Australia, and New Zealand - and also in the United States and many other parts of the world. He traces the ways in which China is trying to build an information and influence superpower, but also critically examines the new conventional wisdom that Beijing has enjoyed great success with these efforts. While China has worked hard to build a global media and information superpower, it often has failed to reap gains from its efforts, and has undermined itself with overly assertive, alienating diplomacy. Still, Kurlantzick contends, China's media, information and political influence campaigns will continue to expand and adapt, helping Beijing exports its political model and protect the ruling Party, and potentially damaging press freedoms, human rights, and democracy abroad." (Publisher description)
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"Through policy analysis and close reading of two films, this article reveals films’ increasing role in China’s geopolitical plan, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The co-production film Xuanzang shows that the Silk Road past is used to illustrate BRI’s pledge for a beneficial future. Even
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though Xuanzang’s story alludes to history, itwas selected for its significance in popular culture, thereby reflecting ‘hyperreality’. In any event, the Silk Road is insufficient for connecting a region characterized by complex histories and societies. As shown in The Composer, the Silk Road is a convenient metaphor used to portray any friendly history." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on the launch by the Chinese company Huawei of ICT academies in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), and Kenya especially. Existing literature shows contrasting findings concerning the impact of such formation and recruitment centres. Through high-level thematic and sentiment analyses, th
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is article examines various Huawei accounts on social networking sites (SNSs) – that is, Facebook and Twitter – in order to better assess: (1) the kind of online corporate communication unfolded by the company with particular regard to these centres; and (2) how the advertising of such centres is perceived by users. The results suggest that Huawei’s online corporate requires better fine-tuning with local SNSs’ users." (Abstract)
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"Desinformation begleitet den russischen Angriffskrieg auf die Ukraine und erreicht auch ein deutsches Publikum. Sie dient der Stärkung russischer Propaganda und ist geeignet, die deutsche und europäische Entscheidungs- und Handlungsfähigkeit in Bezug auf den Krieg zu stören und negativ zu beein
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flussen. Zwischen Frühjahr und Herbst 2022 ist die Zustimmung zu pro-russischen Propagandanarrativen in der deutschen Bevölkerung signifikant gestiegen. Seit Beginn des russischen Überfalls im Februar 2022 hat sich die Landschaft der Desinformations-Sender:innen fragmentiert. Wo zu Beginn RT DE (Russia Today Deutsch) dominierte, hat dessen Abschaltung durch die EU im März 2022 Raum für andere Akteur:innen gemacht. Dazu gehören russische Botschaften sowie die sogenannten „Alternativmedien“ und pro-russische Influencer:innen. Desinformationskampagnen richten sich auch gezielt gegen ukrainische Geflüchtete. Es kursiert wiederholt und in vielfältigen Variationen Desinformation, die geeignet ist, die Solidarität mit der Ukraine und den von dort Geflüchteten zu zersetzen. Thematisch behaupten diese Beiträge fälschlich etwa die Veruntreuung von Hilfsgütern, aggressives Verhalten von Geflüchteten oder stellen die Unterstützung des angegriffenen Landes als Bedrohung der eigenen Grundbedürfnisse dar. Falsche Behauptungen über Geflüchtete aus der Ukraine verbleiben dabei nicht im digitalen Raum, sondern werden auch in die analoge Welt übertragen. Im verschwörungsideologischen Milieu traf die Nachricht des russischen Angriffs auf die Ukraine auf eine bereits seit 2014 etablierte pro-russische und anti-amerikanische Grundhaltung. Entsprechend wurde sich zu Kriegsbeginn fast durchweg anti-ukrainisch positioniert und der Angriffskrieg Russlands verharmlost bis legitimiert." (Zentrale Erkenntnisse, Seite 1)
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"As press freedoms around the globe erode, journalists are building networks outsidetheir home countries to continue reporting." (Summary)
"This study looks at the effects of Chinese cultural diplomacy on the African continent. While for a long time China's investments in large infrastructure projects were viewed positively, Joffe now notes a growing awareness both in civil society and in government agencies of ambivalent consequences.
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Many African countries are now groaning under the burden of debt, and about two-thirds of new loans now come from China. This study provides insight into Chinese investments, particularly in the area of international cultural policy. The study's findings highlight the complexity of Chinese engagement in Africa and the various facets of its associated impacts. The author suggests that African actors should ensure that a more equitable engagement develops, where conditions are determined by local needs and culture, and more aggressively advocate for equality, needs, and respect for national sovereignty." (Back cover)
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"Cultural diplomacy has been one component of China’s foreign policy since its very foundation. However, it is only in recent decades that culture has been wielded as a tool to serve high-reaching goals commensurate with China’s rising superpower status and its capacity to contend for global heg
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emony. This study examines China’s recent efforts to enhance cultural exchanges in multilateral and regional platforms. The primary aim is to analyse the rationale, motivations, main initiatives and strategies underpinning China’s cultural diplomacy based on a conceptual framework centred on the notions of cultural diplomacy and hegemonic transition. The author begins by presenting the guiding conceptual framework and providing an overview of China’s overall cultural diplomacy approach over the last two decades. The analysis then delves into China’s engagement in well-established and new multilateral platforms such as UNESCO, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the BRICS group, and regional forums established between China and developing regions. Shifting the focus to Latin America, the research investigates the China-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Forum (CCF) as a platform for cultural exchanges and an instrument of China’s cultural diplomacy, and systematizes its cultural initiatives, prioritized areas, key actors involved, and strategies." (Back cover)
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"Findings indicate that Afghan exiled journalists worldwide struggle to continue practicing their profession. Even among the few who still work in media, the vast majority depend on additional sources of income. This demonstrates a clear need for support, especially since many respondents aspire to
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establish their own medium in exile in the future and would like to continue working in the field. Most Afghan journalists in exile would like to continue to report on Afghanistan related issues and thus reach Afghans both inside and outside the country with their independent stories. Most of the participants rated solidarity within the Afghan media community as either low or very low. This trend is even more pronounced in Germany. At the same time, an absolute majority of the respondents indicated a very high interest in connecting with the Afghan media community in the countries where they are currently based or in other countries." (https://jx-fund.org)
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"Many fear that social media enable more potent influence operations than traditional mass media. This belief is widely shared yet rarely tested. We challenge this emerging wisdom by comparing social media and television as vectors for influence operations targeting Ukraine. This article develops a
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theoretical framework based on media structure, showing how and why decentralized and centralized media offer distinct opportunities and challenges for conducting influence operations. This framework indicates a relative advantage for television in both dissemination and persuasiveness. We test this framework against the Russo-Ukrainian conflict (before the 2022 escalation), contributing new data from a national survey and a new dataset of Telegram activity. We identify fifteen disinformation narratives, and, using statistical analysis, examine correlations between media consumption, audience exposure to, and agreement with, narratives, and foreign policy preferences. To explore causal mechanisms, we follow up with content analysis. Findings strongly support our theoretical framework. While consuming some partisan social media channels is correlated with narrative exposure, there is no correlation with narrative agreement. Meanwhile, consumption of partisan television channels shows clear and consistent correlation. Finally, agreement with narratives also correlates with foreign policy preferences. However, and importantly, findings indicate the overall limitations of influence operations." (Abstract)
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"This paper explores China’s increasing media engagement with Latin American partners. It examines the case of Mundo China (MC), a China-news segment broadcast by the Brazilian news channel BandNews TV and co-produced in partnership with CCTV. By conducting content analysis, we assess how China is
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presented, contrast the framing of China before and since the partnership agreement, and compare the televised image of China between BandNews TV and other news channels in Brazil. The findings show that MC has assisted in diversifying and balancing the ratio of positive frames in relation to the overall China-related reporting across the broadcasters sampled." (Abstract)
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"Through policy analysis and close reading of two films, this article reveals films’ increasing role in China’s geopolitical plan, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The co-production film Xuanzang shows that the Silk Road past is used to illustrate BRI’s pledge for a beneficial future. Even
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though Xuanzang’s story alludes to history, itwas selected for its significance in popular culture, thereby reflecting ‘hyperreality’. In any event, the Silk Road is insufficient for connecting a region characterized by complex histories and societies. As shown in The Composer, the Silk Road is a convenient metaphor used to portray any friendly history." (Abstract
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"1. Increasing attacks on independent media globally are forcing journalists to flee their home countries. Working from abroad, these reporters remain crucial sources of information about some of the world’s most authoritarian countries. But safety in exile is not guaranteed.
2. At least 26 govern
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ments, including those of Belarus, Cambodia, China, Iran, Pakistan, Russia, and Saudi Arabia, have targeted journalists abroad with transnational repression, putting their safety and work in serious peril.
3. Transnational repression against journalists includes assault, detention, kidnapping, and unlawful deportation, as well as serious limitations on freedom of movement resulting from these threats. It also entails the intimidation of journalists’ family members, digital harassment, smear campaigns, doxing, and other attempts to prevent truthful reporting.
4. These attacks have a devastating impact on journalists’ well-being, as well as their ability to deliver independent reporting. Exiled reporters struggle to maintain the contacts they need to cover stories. They face death threats, online harassment, and aggressive rhetoric from officials in origin countries. Often in precarious economic situations, they must also shoulder high monetary costs to overcome censorship, protect their digital and physical security, and navigate difficult immigration bureaucracies.
5. Despite these challenges, exiled journalists have developed strategies to keep working. But they need legal, financial, and operational support from host governments, civil society, and media organizations in order to continue to expose human rights violations around the world." (Key findings)
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"This paper examines the recent shifts and debates in the organization of the television landscape following the implementation of digital migration in Zambia. It ponders Zambia’s experience in the digital migration exercise, playing particular attention to the country’s interaction with the Chi
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nese company, StarTimes. It discusses the implications of this interaction on ownership and control in the new digitalized television landscape, highlighting the political economic implications on the broadcast sector. The paper also highlights various debates relating to local broadcasting policy in a digitalized environment and offers a timely contribution to the growing academic interest in Chinese involvement and interactions with African media." (Abstract)
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"Over the past few years, India has taken decisive steps to reduce its dependence on Chinese technology and investments. This was triggered by border skirmishes with China in 2020, but built on longstanding national security concerns about China, given the history of conflict between the two countri
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es. India has banned hundreds of Chinese apps like TikTok and UC Browser, restricted Chinese investments in Indian companies, and mandated that telecom infrastructure be from “trusted sources”, and tried to reduce the import of products from China. These actions have come along with active support and development of regulations in favour of domestic companies and innovation, a push for manufacturing in India, and global alliances to ensure that China doesn’t dominate emerging technologies. Not all of these moves have been successful: it hasn’t been able to address its trade gap with China, Chinese technology is still implemented in Indian telecom networks, and Indian alternatives to Chinese applications haven’t successfully replaced TikTok. India has, however, been opportunistic, and demonstrated agility in leveraging geopolitical developments to further its goals: there is a clear sense of direction in its approach. Its actions underscore striking a balance between economic gains and strategic interests. Thus far, the anti-China measures instituted by the Indian government haven’t gravely harmed India. They have benefitted a few Indian companies, and American companies even more so. The impact on trade has been minimal so far. It is, however, probably still too early to understand the full impact of these policies as the efforts are part of a long-term approach, but an approach that so far looks promising." (Executive summary)
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"This article examines the reception and dissemination of ‘malign information influence’ (MII) in a liberal democracy; information sponsored by authoritarian regimes or other hostile actors and projected through international broadcasting outlets across borders. The study contributes to the scar
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ce research on the reception of narratives transmitted by the Russian statesupported media platforms RT and Sputnik, exposingcharacteristics, political attitudes, and sharing behaviors of RT/ Sputnik consumers. A nationwide, representative survey (n: 3033) from November 2020 revealed a surprisingly high number of Swedish RT/Sputnik consumers (7%), with an overrepresentation of young, men and supports of non-parliamentarian parties and the right wing, nationalist Sweden Democratic Party. These consumers are somewhat more willing than non-consumers to disseminate news on social media and in real life despite being distrustful of the sources. The findings strengthen previous research in demonstrating the attractiveness of identity grievance narratives among alternative media consumers, yet the results show that RT/Sputnik consumers also aligned with narratives that contrasts with national security policy. They state less trust in politicians, institutions, the media, news, and journalism, yet are comparatively prone to share unreliable or untrue news content on social media and in real life. The analysis thus identified a section of media consumers who can function as vehicles for the dissemination of MII. The article contributes to the underresearched problem of the potential of MII to take root and provides a basis for future qualitative research that can refine and provide nuance to the knowledge of reception of MII." (Abstract)
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