"Drawing on field observations and extensive interviews, this study investigates how Kenyan media practitioners exercise their agency when interacting with Chinese stakeholders. When dealing with Chinese stakeholders or China-related stories, Kenyan media practitioners developed three strategies to
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exercise their journalistic agency: (a) situational negotiation, (b) collective reflection, and (c) resistance, through which they have approached, negotiated with, and resisted their relations with their Chinese counterparts. This article challenges the misconceptions that Chinese media organizations always hold a powerful position vis-à-vis African media organizations, and that African agents are dependents or innocent victims with neither agency nor creativity." (Abstract)
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"Sesame Street tells the history of how the American show became a global brand. The book argues that because domestic production was not financially viable from the beginning, Sesame Street became a commodity forcefully marketed all over the world. It is based on archival research in seven countrie
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s and contains detailed analyses of how local receptions and rejections related to the global sales strategies and the American ideals it built on. Contrary to the producers' often publicized claims of Sesame Street's universality the book demonstrates how the show was heavily shaped by a fixed set of assumptions about childhood, education, and commercial entertainment. This made sales hard as Sesame Street met both skepticism and direct hostility from foreign television producers who did not share these ideals. Drawing on insides from childhood studies and media history, the book lays bare a cultural clash of international proportions rooted in divergent approaches to children's television. In doing so, the book provides a reflective backdrop to the many debates about children's media still happening today. By contrasting the positive receptions and the rejections of Sesame Street the book shows that it was only after substantial rethinking of Sesame Street's aims and business model that the program ended up on many broadcasting schedules by the mid-1970s. Along the way, this rethinking and the constant negotiations with potential international buyers created and shaped the business and corporate brand that paved the way for the Sesame Street we know today." (Publisher description)
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"This article examines the multilingual audiences of Russian outlet RT on Facebook. RT is a state media outlet known for spreading strategic Kremlin narratives and disinformation in support of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy objectives to large and multilingual global audiences. RT serves as
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a central pillar of the Russian information influence apparatus, and an instrument of both ‘soft’ and ‘sharp power’, the latter describing the use of information manipulation to interfere with foreign public spheres. While many studies have concentrated on the English-language content of RT to understand its impact on Western democracies, in this article, we examine the sharing of RT content across all six RT languages, and we investigate what audiences from the six language communities share RT content on Facebook. We find ideologically diverging patterns across these communities, with particular resonance for RT content targeting the political faultlines in different regions and countries and conclude that RT’s role as a tool for sharp power is now dominant." (Abstract)
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"Tracing, first, the formative development of an international and global media landscape throughout the 20th century from the telegraph, television and film export, and transnational television to the Internet, the book then focuses on developments in the 21st century. This includes: the digitizati
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on of the global media and communications sector; the popularization of the Internet and digital infrastructure such as the smartphone and platforms; the emergence of global online media and services; the production and distribution of digital media content; and the exploitation of user data. Case studies illustrate key developments throughout the book. The book shows how the field is characterized by a continuity of critical concerns in relation to power, influence, and domination; media user empowerment and exploitation; and social and sustainable development and democratic conditions, as well as geopolitical shifts, in a global context." (Publisher description)
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"Public diplomacy has become one of the central instruments of foreign policy and national security; this crucial Research Agenda provides a new outline for its investigation. Aiding the comprehension of the broad boundaries of the field, it proposes a clear starting point for contemporary research
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into important areas of public diplomacy. This enlightening Research Agenda is divided into three parts which thoroughly explore the actors, disciplines and instruments involved in the process of public diplomacy. Rich in innovative analysis, chapters offer insights from many of the most prominent scholars and practitioners in the field to cover existing research, gaps, and future directions." (Publisher description)
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"This paper examines the influence of international political actors in perpetuating disinformation in fragile states, using Iraq as a case study. The advent of modern technology and social media has transformed the global information landscape, providing new avenues for the dissemination of disinfo
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rmation. This study delves into the history of disinformation in Iraq, particularly during and after the fall of the Baathist regime, and investigates how national and international actors utilise disinformation as a political tool. Through three case studies, the overlapping interests of regional, international, and local actors are explored, focusing on their use of social and legacy media platforms to execute influence operations targeting the Iraqi public. The first case study examines the Iranian-aligned Iraqi Radio and Television Union and their deployment of disinformation narratives during the 2021 national election. The second case study investigates unofficial Iranian-aligned Telegram media outlets and their promotion of the Russian narrative in the Russia-Ukraine War. The final case study analyses Pro-China and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Facebook influencers in Iraq and their engagement in coordinated inauthentic behavior. By connecting the interactions of these actors, this paper reveals a complex web of disinformation in the Iraqi digital information ecosystem, emphasising the role played by national and international actors in perpetuating it. The findings contribute to a better understanding of disinformation dynamics, enabling more effective strategies to combat disinformation and foster informed and democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"This article examines China–US competition for narratives by analyzing whether and how Chinese and American diplomats engage each other in routine diplomatic outreach to African audiences on Twitter. Drawing on case studies of Kenya and South Africa, our study uncovers “asymmetrical discursive
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competition”—Chinese diplomatic accounts selectively launch discursive attacks (both defensive and offensive) on the United States, while the US diplomatic accounts tend to ignore China. We further find that in invoking the United States, Chinese diplomats largely bypass Africa and African issues, and instead, focus on contesting larger claims about China’s legitimacy." (Abstract)
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"This study assesses the impact of China’s mediated communication strategies implemented in Latin America from 2013 to 2021. We content-analyzed the press coverage about China in nine countries and unveiled tones, topics, and frames which were then examined further across different sources. Public
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sentiments toward China were gauged to infer a potential link to China’s communication efforts. Overall, China’s program to influence Latin American media outlets and public opinion has not resulted in substantial gains; the region’s sentiment toward China actually deteriorated. There is a communication gap between Chinese and Latin American publics, which is inimical to public diplomacy." (Abstract)
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"Russia and China have created and amplified disinformation and propaganda about COVID-19 worldwide to sow distrust and confusion and to reduce social cohesion among targeted audiences. The United States government, the European Union, and multinational organizations have developed a series of inter
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ventions in response. These include exposing disinformation, providing credible and authoritative public health information, imposing sanctions, investing in democratic resilience measures, setting up COVID-19 disinformation task forces, addressing disinformation through regulatory measures, countering emerging threat narratives from Russia and China, and addressing the vulnerabilities in the information and media environment. Digital platforms, including Twitter, Meta, YouTube, and TikTok, have stepped up to counter COVID-19 disinformation and misinformation via policy procedures, takedowns of inauthentic content, addition of new product features, and partner with civil society and multinational organizations to provide credible and reliable information to global audiences. In addition, digital platforms are addressing COVID-19-related disinformation and misinformation stemming from a variety of state and non-state actors, including China and Russia. Several of these initiatives have proven to be effective, including cross-sectoral collaboration to facilitate identification of the threat; enforcement actions between civil society, governments, and digital platforms; and investment in resilience mechanisms, including media literacy and online games to address disinformation. Despite some meaningful progress, gaps in countering COVID-19 disinformation and propaganda stemming from Russia and China and unintentional misinformation spread by everyday citizens still exist. Closing these gaps will require gaining a deeper understanding of how adversaries think; aligning and refining transatlantic regulatory approaches; building coordination and whole-of- society information-sharing mechanisms; expanding the use of sanctions to counter disinformation; localizing and contextualizing programs and technological solutions; strengthening societal resilience through media, digital literacy, and by addressing digital authoritarianism; and building and rebuilding trust in democratic institutions." (Executive summary)
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"The topic of the war in Ukraine dominated the media during the first three months of the war and completely marginalized all other topics. The most foreign actor reported on most in the media was Russia, while the countries of the West, the US, the EU, and NATO were far less noticeable. Although th
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e initial open support for Russia has softened since the beginning of the war, the media continue to report in favour of Russia, and against the West. Television stations with national coverage (especially their morning news programmes), as well as parts of the daily press, are at the forefront of supporting Russia. Internet portals have a more balanced approach. Among state officials, President Vucic has monopolized the discussions of the war in Ukraine, and he is the person most credited in the media for establishing Serbia's neutral stance on this issue. Disinformation in the media is placed in such a way as to present Russia in a positive light, and the West negatively. Disinformation was most prevalent on internet portals and the printed edition of Vecernje novosti, the daily Informer, and television stations Pink and Happy." (Key findings)
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"Marc Engelhardt arbeitet selbst seit 20 Jahren aus anderen Ländern für deutsche Medien. Nun hat er für die Otto Brenner Stiftung das Diskussionspapier über den deutschen Auslandsjournalismus geschrieben. Er habe damit gerechnet, dass bestimmte Länder öfter in den Medien vorkommen als andere.
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Diesen Eindruck müsse jede*r bekommen, der die Nachrichten verfolge. Um nicht nur über Anekdotisches zu schreiben, erarbeitete er konkrete Zahlen. Dafür analysierte Engelhardt, wie oft Ländernamen und Regionen vom 1. Januar 2010 bis 31. Dezember 2019 in 23 führenden Zeitungen vorkommen. Mit Abstand am meisten berichteten die Zeitungen über die USA. Damit habe er gerechnet. „Aber auf dem zweiten Platz liegt Großbritannien, und das kommt auf nicht einmal die Hälfte der Berichte“, sagt Engelhardt. „Ich habe nicht damit gerechnet, dass es so viel Berichterstattung über die USA gibt.“ 34 Staaten kamen hingegen weniger als 50-mal in der Berichterstattung vor und aus 15 Regionen wurde gar nicht berichtet, darunter die umkämpfte Westsahara. Insgesamt verblasse die Welt in der Auslandsberichterstattung. Der Grund dafür sei, dass sich nur wenige Medien eigene Korrespondent*innen leisteten und in den meisten Ländern keine Korrespondent*innen aktiv seien, erklärt Engelhardt. Einzelne decken dabei mehrere Länder ab – sie sind teilweise für Gebiete mit mehreren Tausend Kilometern Breite zuständig [...] In seinem Diskussionspapier fordert Marc Engelhardt dafür öffentliche Mittel, denn es handle sich um eine gesellschaftliche Aufgabe. Über die genaue Ausgestaltung müsse aber noch diskutiert werden, denn die Regierung dürfe keinen Einfluss darauf haben, worüber Korrespondent*innen berichten. Aber der bisherige Weg habe keine Zukunft, „die Marktmechanismen reichen offenbar nicht“, findet er." (David Muschenich, Studie zu Auslandsjournalismus: Blinde Flecken, in: taz online, 1.3.2022)
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"The material challenges of funding, commissioning and distribution that are well known to inhibit production of children’s factual content about other countries and cultures operate in parallel with challenges arising from the moral responsibilities inherent in what Roger Silverstone called “th
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e problem of proper distance”. By that he signified a “moral category” requiring filmmakers to provide “context as well as imagination” and be willing to “recognise the other in her sameness and difference”. “Distance” and “difference” have become at once more significant but also more ambiguous at a time of mass forced migration, in which traditions, religions and cultures from distant places are brought together in physical proximity. Based on input from cross-cultural dialogues, screenings and interviews involving European producers of children’s documentaries, this article explores dilemmas and experiences faced in representing the backgrounds and stories of children who arrived in Europe from Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere in the mid-2010s. It shows the resonance of Silverstone’s thinking by revealing that many practitioners themselves apply notions of closeness and distance, both physically and metaphorically, in their choices about combining the familiar and unfamiliar and co-creating content with child participants." (Abstract)
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"Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) have become a crucial sector of China–Africa relations. As scholars have noted, Africa’s 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR) risks transforming into a new ‘scramble’ with foreign actors harnessing Africa’s data. The present article explores th
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is issue at a discursive level, i.e. delving into policies, bilateral agreements, and laws. The focus is specifically on Kenya in that it is one of the most developed ICT markets in Africa and it is here that the Chinese tech giant Huawei began its investments in 1998. Via a document review, the article provides a preliminary discursive assessment of the extent to which Kenyan actors are effectively (dis)empowered with regard to their own 4IR. The analysis shows that both pan-African and bilateral agreements remain at a high level of abstraction: while this is the typical Chinese way of framing discourses on technological innovation, it also leaves room for political manoeuvring and potential forms of data colonialism." (Abstract)
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"This report focuses on Beijing's efforts to control domestic reporting by resident foreign journalists. It is based on interviews conducted by the IFJ in December 2021 with 19 current or recent correspondents from nine countries, who work across print and broadcast and whose experience in China ran
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ges from a couple of years to several decades. It also draws from Locked Down or Kicked Out, the Foreign Correspondents Club of China's 2021 Media Freedoms Report, and earlier FCCC annual reports based on surveys of the club's roughly 190 members. The research finds that China uses a wide range of coercive methods to control foreign journalistsf reporting. These include: outright expulsions, plus threats that make journalists feel compelled to leave; denials and delays in the granting of visas so that journalists are unable to start work on schedule or must live from one short-term visa to another, unsure if they will be there the following month; lighter scrutiny of journalists from nations viewed as 'friendly' or 'unimportant', although Beijing's attitude fluctuates according to political relations between China and the home country; lawsuits alleging breaches of reporting protocols, such as identifying oneself as a journalist, which carry the risk of being refused an exit visa until the case is resolved [...]" (Executive summary)
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"This report explores how the Chinese party-state's globally focused propaganda and disinformation capabilities are evolving and increasing in sophistication. Concerningly, this emerging approach by the Chinese party-state to influence international discourse on China, including obfuscating its reco
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rd of human rights violations, is largely flying under the radar of US social media platforms and western policymakers." (Executive summary, page 3)
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