"Der Autor untersucht in dieser Studie die spezielle Dynamik der Theokratisierung von Staat und Recht – mit besonderem Schwerpunkt auf den in Pakistan geltenden Blasphemiegesetzen. Welchen Einfluss hatten die Blasphemiegesetze, die mir der staatlichen und politischen Bevorzugung einer einzigen Rel
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igion einhergehen, auf die pakistanische Gesellschaft? Der Überblick über die damit zusammenhängenden Menschenrechtsverletzungen wird mit der Schilderung von Einzelschicksalen ergänzt, die das Ausmaß des Versagens der Justiz und des Missbrauchs dieser Gesetze eindrucksvoll veranschaulichen. Neben einer logischen Analyse der Blasphemiegesetze untersucht der Autor die psychologische Verfassung bzw. die Denkmuster, die dem Status quo Vorschub leisten und sich gegen eine Änderung dieser Gesetze sperren. Dabei wird auch der Standpunkt der gebildeten Schichten unter den Muslimen erörtert. Auf der Basis empirischer Daten geht der Autor der Frage nach, warum die Provinz Punjab ein Brennpunkt des Missbrauchs der Blasphemiegesetze und des religiösen Fundamentalismus ist. Kapitel 1 widmet sich den weltweiten Entwicklungen und Ansätzen im Umgang mit der Frage der Diffamierung von Religionen. Kapitel 7 untersucht die umstrittenen Resolutionen zur ‚Diffamierung von Religionen‘, die zwischen 1999 und 2010 nicht weniger als zwölf Mal bei UN-Gremien zur Abstimmung kamen. Abschließend erläutert der Autor die von den einzelnen Regierungen ergriffenen Maßnahmen und den Versuch der Verabschiedung einer entsprechenden Gesetzesnovelle im pakistanischen Parlament. Davon ausgehend entwickelt der Autor praktische Vorschläge zum weiteren Vorgehen für die beteiligten Interessengruppen – die Zivilgesellschaft und die Regierung Pakistans sowie die internationale Gemeinschaft." (Zusammenfassung)
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"The contributors to this volume consider whether it is possible to establish carefully tailored hate speech policies that are cognizant of the varying traditions, histories, and values of different countries. Throughout, there is a strong comparative emphasis, with examples (and authors) drawn from
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around the world. All the authors explore whether or when different cultural and historical setting justify different substntive rules given that such cultural relativism can be used to justify content-based restrictions and so endanger freedom of expression." (Back cover)
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"There is immense difficulty in regulating hate speech on the ground of ethnicity when ethnicity is a prime cehicle for political organization and mobilization. On the one hand, substantive (real) equality demands that certain marginalized ethnic gropus be shielded from hate speech in order to have
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any chance of successfully renegotiating and reclaiming the places they have lost in the society. On the other hand, hate speech regulation should not be used as a pretext for perpetuation of ethnic hierarchies and criminalization of dissent. If the solution is not clear, the Ethiopian example at least casts light on the curious tension between the two sides of the equality paradox." (Conclusion, page 377)
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"Kosovo has marked a number of improvements in the legal provisions pertaining to the media sector with the establishment of the law on access to information, decriminalization of libel and improvement of the criminal code and law on RTK. Considerable work, however, still remains to be done in the p
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roper implementation of the existing legislation and a mechanism to monitor the implementation is necessary. This is particularly important with the Law on Access to Public Documents, as non implementation is limiting journalist’s ability to factually document stories, making them susceptible to mistrusted sources and other pressure. Besides professional pressure, journalists are still subject to physical attacks and threats and more inconspicuous forms of pressure such as financial instability, lack of proper contracts and an inefficient judicial that can’t adequately protect their rights. Due to the economic conditions in the country and its impact on outlets, out of the job professional development for journalists can be unaffordable and lack quality. While some university level academic programs are trying to establish a foothold in the niche, they are still too young. In the meantime, non-academic preparation programs are few and far in between, often delivered by unprofessional trainers. The aforementioned issues are not aided by an overall fragile public broadcaster, who would in other instances be setting the benchmark of professional standards for all media. With financing problems making the RTK potentially susceptible to political and other forms of influence, the medium has lost its initial credibility. Nonetheless, as part of its financing problem has been resolved with a new law, it remains to be seen how well the public broadcaster will perform." (Conclusion, Page 21)
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"Pakistan’s blasphemy laws are criticised for being discriminatory against religious minorities and inconsistent with human rights standards. There have been attempts in the past to amend these laws. However, after protests by religious parties, each of these attempts failed. In 2011 the debate to
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amend the blasphemy laws resulted in the killings of governor Salman Taseer and the federal minister for minorities, Shahbaz Bhatti. Such incidents have shocked the international community and caused a major blow to the efforts of civil society in Pakistan lobbying for the repeal of these laws. After Pakistan’s ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in June 2010, there is indeed a need to reassess the gamut of human rights violations under the blasphemy laws. This article critically analyses the impact of blasphemy laws on the core human rights enshrined in these treaties, with a view to build a case for repeal of these discriminatory laws." (Abstract)
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"To summarize a very expansive set of standards and concomitant strategies, it can be said that the three main prongs to the Council of Europe's approach to countering "hate speech" are: (1) the prevention / prohibition / punishment of certain types of expression (e.g., incitement to hatred, racist
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expression); (2) the facilitation and creation of expressive and communicative opportunities for minorities; and relatedly, (3) the promotion of tolerance, understanding, and integroup / intercultural dialogue. By virtue of their agenda-setting and forum-providing capacities, the media are specifically implicated in many of the strategies employed, but in a way that is deferential to their operational autonomy." (Conclusion, page 497)
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"Journalists as a category of individuals are subjected to special risks of physical violence that amount to serious risks to their right to life. The current scale of threats to the lives and killings of journalists is a serious matter of concern. It shows an erosion of the rule of law and democrat
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ic governance where they occur. There is a serious issue of impunity for perpetrators of these violations by the failure to investigate and prosecute crimes against journalists. This issue is a common thread tying the various categories of risks together in this report. Despite its prevalence in the risks faced by most human rights defenders, it remains an important problem for journalists in their own right. There is evidence that physical violence against journalists that might amount to threats to their right to life also deters the entire journalistic community and forces it to practice self-censorship that eventually erodes its public role in democratic societies. The largest numbers of journalists who are killed around the world each year die outside zones of armed conflict and in time of peace. According to UNESCO this is 80 per cent of journalists’ killings worldwide. It is erroneous to believe that media workers share only those risks that civilians face in wartime. Rather, they face heightened risks while practicing their profession." (Conclusions, page 22)
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"The emergence of community radio in Ghana’s media sphere has changed the political economy of communications in Ghana. The participatory platform of the medium has led to citizens’ empowerment and facilitated the political, economic and social development of this new democracy. Marginalized com
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munities are now able to question policies. The views expressed during these participatory programmes like live phone-in have helped to promote accountability and transparency within government circles and the corporate world. However, concerns have been raised over the serious allegations and mischievous remarks made on community radio stations and how they can be regulated. This article shall argue that the complex and intricate nature of the regulatory mechanism and the conceptualization of community radio have made it difficult for the regulatory body, National Media Commission (NMC) to regulate the community radio. Seeing that Ghana is a multi-ethnic state, her democracy may be endangered if the content from community radio stations which could heat up the polity is not regulated." (Abstract)
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"In this e-book we unpack the internationally-developed standards and best practise models of democratic media regulation. We look at universally-agreed norms for democratic media regulation generally, democratic broadcasting regulation and for imposing restrictions upon or otherwise regulating medi
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a content. We also look at almost all of the countries in SADC (“the Southern African Development Community”) on a country-by-country basis to identify and analyse each country’s media laws." (Publisher description)
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