"Trotz der hohen Standards der Mediengesetze in Bosnien-Herzegowina hapert es bei deren Umsetzung. Medienschaffende sind häufig dem Druck von Politik, staatlichen Institutionen und einflussreichen Unternehmen ausgesetzt. Viele Medienunternehmen sind aufgrund ihrer desolaten Finanzlage zusätzlich f
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ür Einflussnahme anfällig. Daher ist es kein Zufall, dass die wenigen kritischen Medien in Bosnien-Herzegowina finanzielle Mittel aus dem Ausland erhalten." (Seite 22)
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"Over the last decade, Afghanistan has experienced the rise of a robust media sector. Programming fills the airwaves with everything from news to comedy, open debate to open audition, soap operas to police dramas to ABCs. Journalists, however, operate in a climate of fear and insecurity, under threa
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ts of reprisal and violence, with insufficient state support for freedom of the press. The National Unity Government’s pledge to promote good governance and fight corruption cannot succeed absent a free and independent media. President Ghani and CEO Abdullah’s campaign pledges to support freedom of speech and press freedom must be backed up by actions, including passage of a mass media law that protects freedom of speech and the personal safety of journalists." (Summary)
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"Die Medienlandschaften der südkaukasischen Staaten sind so unterschiedlich wie die Länder. In Georgien gibt es eine lebendige Medienszene, in Armenien ist der Markt von politischen und wirtschaftlichen Kartellen geprägt. In Aserbaidschan unterdrückt das autoritäre Regime die unabhängigen Medi
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en." (Abstract)
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"From Tehran to Tahrir Square to Gezi Park-to mention only three key sites of protest made prominent in 2013-social media has been lauded as one of the key factors enabling popular uprisings and social movements. This has provided further hype for new or digital media, which were already being toute
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d as a tool for social change, liberation, and the representation of marginalized or oppressed voices. In this essay, I argue not against new media per se but against technological determinism and fetishism. I argue that the transformative or repressive potential of different media changes dramatically across different sites of research and depends on the sociopolitical realities of the region being studied, including factors such as censorship, access, and infrastructure. Drawing on my research in Afghanistan, Iran, and Tajikistan, among other neighboring countries, I show the striking differences in the degree of effectiveness and ineffectiveness of different media in bringing about social change in those respective countries as well as regionally. Comparatively speaking, I focus on television and social media's catalytic role in stirring popular uprisings and the subsequent backlash and attack on those media. I also examine the gendered dimensions and dangers of media use and activism. In the case of Afghanistan, I consider the impact of international and transnational funding of media and human rights efforts. I conclude that in order for international interventions into local social movements to succeed, international experts in development, human rights, and media must take the lead from local residents and contexts, technologically and culturally, and work collaboratively with them." (Abstract)
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"Este libro propone un recorrido histórico y, al mismo tiempo, actual de la radio ecuatoriana, que va desde sus inicios en 1926, cuando hubo algunos experimentos de emisión de señales sonoras en varias provincias de Ecuador, hasta la radiodifusión por Internet. En ese itinerario, Hernán Yaguana
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y Washington Delgado presentan una caracterización de las emisoras experimentales y comerciales, un registro del desarrollo de los contenidos radiales en distintos formatos, una visión de la radio ecuatoriana desde sus consumidores en Quito y Guayaquil, y las tendencias de la radio digital en Ecuador. También, ambos autores incluyen los nombres de personas e instituciones que han sido parte de los principales acontecimientos radiales del paÃs." (Contratapa)
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"Media Evolution on the Eve of the Arab Spring brings together some of the most celebrated and respected names in Arab media research to reflect on the communication conditions that preceded and made the Arab uprisings possible." (Publisher description)
"The Mapping Digital Media research confirms that digital television and the internet have had a radical impact on media businesses, journalists, and citizens at large. As might be expected, platforms distributing journalism have proliferated, media companies are revamping their operations, and citi
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zens have access to a cornucopia of news and information sources. Other findings were less foreseeable: digitization has brought no pressure to reform state broadcasters, less than one-third of countries found that digital media have helped to expand the social impact of investigative journalism, and digitization has not significantly affected total news diversity. The Global Findings reveal other common themes across the world: Governments and politicians have too much influence over who owns, operates, and regulates the media. Many media markets are rife with monopolistic, corrupt, or untransparent practices. It’s not clear where many governments and other bodies get their evidence for changes or updates to laws and policies on media and communication. Media and journalism online offer hope of new, independent sources of information, but are also a new battleground for censorship and surveillance. Data about the media worldwide are still uneven, unstandardized, and unreliable, and are often proprietary rather than freely accessible." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"The 2014 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia is marked by an overall constancy of scores, for better or worse. Taken as a whole, the average of 21 overall scores shows an increase of 0.01 compared with last year. Out of the 21 countries studied, 13 showed a change in score of less than 0.10. Of the rema
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ining eight showing significant change, five were headed in a negative direction while three showed improvement. The lack of change was in some cases a sign of resilience and part of a positive overall trend: for example, in Albania, Kosovo, and Moldova panelists noted that recent achievements are not eroding and the media as a whole are finding space to operate independently and are resistant to political control. However, in some cases, such as Ukraine and Serbia, the unchanged scores reflect a sense of frustration on the part of panelists—and a resolve to play a stronger role in bringing about change." (Executive summary)
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"This book is an attempt to address obstacles to a democratic development of media systems in the countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and practices in media policy development, media ownership and financing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profess
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ion. It introduces the concept of media integrity to denote the public-service values of media and journalism. In analyzing the current situation of the media, the focus was on the assessment of factors that have been identified as posing a risk to media integrity, with an overview of past developments if relevant for understanding the current situation. Five countries were covered by the research presented in this book: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia." (Introduction)
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