"In the evolving landscape of communication technology, the interplay between media and collective identity becomes crucial due to its ability to shape the socio-political dynamics of nations. This article aims to address the role of collective identity construction in Russian state media, arguing t
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hat it is a highly manipulated process in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine that aims to shape the way the events are perceived by the Russian population. Through narrative analysis, the article aims to explore how the subject of Russian collective identity is constructed in the political talk show Evening with Vladimir Solovyov during the timeframe of one and a half years starting from the beginning of the full-scale war in Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The identified narratives constitute a complex structure that contributes to the construction of a particular Russian collective identity. While addressing different themes, overall, they shape public perceptions towards uniting individuals around particular ideas beneficial to the state and legitimising the actions of the Russian regime." (Abstract)
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"[...] this paper presents approximately 30 worldwide examples of successful AI use to promote various aspects of democracy. At the same time, the corresponding challenges that need to be addressed are highlighted. From the examination of international examples, the following theses can be derived:
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AI systems can promote all aspects of democracy in a similar way; the use of AI systems for democracy requires the functioning of democratic structures; focus not only on generative AI: significant advantages can also come from processing and identifying AI systems; AI systems that promote democracy must be particularly comprehensible and transparent; AI systems facilitate participation but do not enable it; AI systems can make large amounts of data usable—for both citizens and the state; AI must be considered in the context of existing digitalization processes; not everything that AI systems can do is desired in a democracy." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines political communication and media trust in the age of generative artificial intelligence systems (AI). Firstly, it provides a brief explainer of generative AI tools and techniques, looking separately at systems that generate text and those that generate or manipulate images, vi
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deos and audio. By reference to real-world examples, the paper then surveys the ways in which generative AI systems have recently been used by political actors, distinguishing between three different use-cases: political campaigning, entertainment and disinformation campaigns. Building on this empirical analysis, the paper distils important insights for policymakers, which highlight the need to: refrain from falsely labelling content as AI-generated to avoid overstating the technical capabilities and persuasive power of those spreading disinformation; acknowledge the multimodality of threats posed by generative AI, in particular voice-generation; delimit fair-use cases of generative AI for political campaigning, given these technologies are already widely used for legitimate political communication purposes; raise awareness of how seemingly non-political uses of generative AI can be exploited for politics, in particular the creation of non-consensual intimate content. This is followed by an evaluation of emerging technical and policy solutions, namely the detection and labelling of deepfakes as well as the development of systems to certify content authenticity and provenance. The section concludes with a discussion of the emerging legal landscape, including the European Union’s AI Act." (Executive summary)
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"[...] L’objectif de ce mémoire de DEA était de démontrer la manière dont les journalistes construisent leurs identités lorsqu’ils analysent l’actualité de la semaine sur le plateau de Télé 50. Nous avons considéré l’émission ayant fait objet d’analyse, de discours médiatique.
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C’est pour cela, nous l’avons analysée sous plusieurs facteurs partant des considérations théoriques allant dans le sens du débat télévisé et de l’analyse conversationnelle issue des dynamiques interactionnelles amenant à la construction identitaire des protagonistes. [...] Après l’analyse de l’épisode, nous avons conclu que la visée dominante de l’émission était de faire surgir une vérité, informer voire révéler et pousser les protagonistes à dévoiler leurs positionnements à travers leurs discours. Nous avons retenu dans cette analyse, au regard des identités construites, quatre positionnements des journalistes Kinois. Le premier positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-pouvoir ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des gouvernants. Le deuxième positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-opposition ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des opposants congolais. Le troisième positionnement est celui de ceux des centristes, ceux qui s’efforcent de demeurer Église au milieu du village. Ils ne travaillent pas pour des intérêts partisans mais pour l’intérêt supérieur du public et le bien-être social. Le dernier positionnement est marqué par les journalistes qui sont en quête de positionnement c’est-à-dire ceux qui ne se sont pas encore situés par rapport au régime actuel caractérisé par une mosaïque des partis politiques pro-pouvoir." (Conclusion generale, pages 175-178)
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"Durante año y medio, la FLIP y Linterna Verde monitoreamos la conversación que giró alrededor del periodismo y le pusimos la lupa a tres momentos virales para entender qué hay detrás de cada ataque digital: El conocido hashtag #CaracolMiente, que surgió después de que el presidente Gustavo P
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etro trinara repetidamente que la información difundida por Noticias Caracol era falsa. Un análisis sobre 20 mil tuits evidencia coordinación en el uso de #CaracolMiente además de un patrón recurrente: la mayoría de las cuentas involucradas tenían una base pequeña de seguidores y mostraban una elevada actividad de retuits con contenido favorable al Gobierno.
En un segundo acto, el presidente Petro acusó a un supuesto "grupo poderoso" de querer destruir su gobierno, llamándolo "prensa Mossad". Al día siguiente, utilizó esa expresión en X para referirse a la periodista María Jimena Duzán, quien había publicado un artículo que criticaba una irregularidad en su administración relacionada con el hermano de Laura Sarabia. El 26 de junio, el término "Mossad" registró más de 8.600 menciones en X, 28 veces más que el promedio.
El tercer caso ocurrió durante un evento en Nuquí, cuando el presidente Petro acusó a las periodistas de promover narrativas que criminalizan la protesta legítima, calificándolas como "muñecas de la mafia". Se detonaron casi 300 mil menciones de tal término entre ese día hasta el 5 de septiembre. Y aunque hubo respaldo hacia las periodistas, la conversación en X giró alrededor de críticas, descalificaciones e insultos hacia las profesionales de comunicaicón.
Por otro lado, y analizando los ataques y de su impacto en la libertad de expresión podemos decir que la fuente de estos ataques, en Latinoamérica, proviene principalmente del Estado o de políticos; hay una prevalencia en los ataques en línea a nivel mundial que resultan en agresiones físicas, persecución judicial o incluso el asesinato, y particularmente, las periodistas mujeres enfrentan ataques contra su reputación, especialmente aquellos basados en género y por su orientación sexual."
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"A dos años de su mandato, la relación del presidente Gustavo Petro con la prensa ha estado marcada por la descalificación y la desconfianza en los medios de comunicación y en periodistas que considera incómodos. En contraste, su Gobierno creó nuevos canales de comunicación oficial y aumentó
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el presupuesto del sistema de medios público. De manera intermitente ha enviado señales —que no terminan de concretarse— de querer fortalecer a los medios alternativos y comunitarios, y ha incluido a influencers en su estrategia de comunicación. A diferencia de la actitud del presidente Iván Duque hacia la prensa —quien dividió el panorama mediático entre "amigos" y "enemigos" durante un periodo marcado por protestas contra sus políticas y su manejo de la crisis del COVID-19–, el actual Jefe de Estado considera que los medios de mayor influencia son adversarios políticos y prefiere comunicarse por X." (Página 5)
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"This study aims to examine the interplay between political communication and discursive practices in the emerging new media landscape after the recent political reform in Ethiopia. The study employs interpretative textual analysis in qualitative research approach to analyze political communication
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texts posted by political party leaders and activists’ official pages through Critical Discourse Analysis. By using this method, the study critically examines the recent political developments with a specific focus on: EPRDF fragmentation, disintegration of TPLF from the central government, de-facto state formation, the integration of PP into political scene, inter-party political dialogues, and election scenarios among purposely selected ethno-nationalist and unionist political party leaders and activists’ official pages. The finding of the study reveals that political actors used social media as a political communication backchannel and a counter-hegemonic space to construct their political identities and ideologies. The result further shows ethnic identity has overwhelmingly become the source of power over pan-Ethiopian nationalism identity. The politics of ethnic belongingness is found to be an emerging political communication discourse in the study. Ethnic divisions and polarized political views have been recurrently propounded among political actor’s posts in their digital media. Accordingly, accommodative discursive strategies appear to be the dominant discursive strategies utilized by unionist political actors, while ethno-nationalists employ divisive rhetorical strategies in their political communication. In this continuum, polarized political views along with ethnic-based political formations put the issue of identity in a vexed condition and the existing Ethiopian politics in a state of interregnum." (Abstract)
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"While the digital turn in communication research offers novel opportunities to study polarization at scale, it also adds complexity to a challenging concept. Ambiguities surrounding the conceptual understanding of polarization in different fields lead to problems in advancing the research in the di
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gital context. The conflation of types and forms of polarization erodes the utility of the concept and opens the door to an uncritical proliferation of technologically determinist perspectives and solutions. We review literature from political, media and communication studies, revealing an increasing focus on polarization within media and communication without sufficient (re-)evaluation and conceptualization. To avoid future indiscriminate use of the term polarization, we advocate for precise delineations when studying polarization as a threat to democracy. We propose a concept of destructive polarization and discuss it with regard to studying its dynamics in a digital communication context, describing its recognizable elements as manifested in communication practices." (Abstract)
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"Feelings of collective victimhood have been demonstrated to have a strong effect on ingroup bias, outgroup hostility and support for violence. The use of narratives stirring these feelings in far-right communications is especially concerning given their inclusion in the manifestos of several mass k
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illers across Europe and North America. However, scholars still have little knowledge on the reach of such narratives as well as the extent to which major salient events increase attention to collective victimhood messaging among far-right followers. To address these gaps, we analyze the use of collective victimhood narratives on the popular secure instant messaging service, Telegram, which has exploded in popularity in response to mainstream platforms’ attempts to moderate extremist speech. We develop a supervised machine learning algorithm to predict the presence of these discourses in text from over 18.5 million messages that were extracted from 1,870 far-right Telegram channels. We then use these data to test what impact the George Floyd protests and the storming of the US Capitol had on the frequency of collective narrative discussions on far-right Telegram. Our findings suggest that both events coincided with a significant increase in the use of victimhood narratives, thus providing insight into the radicalization process of far-right communities online." (Abstract)
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"The far right is increasingly relying on visual and less extreme online communication, for instance by using memes, to strategically mainstream their ideology. The use of humor in particular renders their communication more relatable to a mainstream audience. However, little is known about the actu
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al impacts of the different content characteristics they employ to become more appealing, in particular on less moderated platforms that function as safe online spaces for extremist ideology and contents. To fill this gap, we conducted a manual quantitative content analysis of 1,200 memes distributed within German-language far-right Telegram channels in 2020 and 2021, concentrating on humor and several content-related factors to analyze their impact on meme reach. The results demonstrate that memes with extreme far-right narratives and memes with humor received fewer views than others, but that memes with both far-right narratives and humor had a significantly increased reach. The findings highlight the mainstreaming potential of humor, particularly when used to mask extreme content that would otherwise be less appealing." (Abstract)
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"Discussions of data-driven campaigning have gained increased prominence in recent years. Often associated with the practices of Cambridge Analytica and linked to debates about the health of modern democracy, scholars have devoted considerable attention to the rise of data-driven politics. However,
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most studies to date have focused solely on practice in the US, and few scholars have made efforts to define the precise meaning of ‘data-driven campaigning’. With growing recognition that data-driven campaigning can take different forms dependent on context and available resource, new questions have emerged as to exactly what features are indicative of this phenomena. In this piece we systematically review existing discussions of data-driven campaigning to unpack the components of this idea. Identifying areas of convergence and divergence in existing discussions of ‘data’, ‘driven’, and ‘campaigning’, we classify existing debate to highlight integral features and variable practices. This article accordingly provides the first comprehensive definition of datadriven campaigning, and aims to facilitate international study of this activity." (Abstract)
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"This article explores the contribution Zambia made to the liberation struggle in South Africa by hosting the ANC’s Radio Freedom in Lusaka. It relies on a combination of archival evidence (audio and documentary sources) from both countries, and interviews conducted with the broadcasters and other
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media workers of both Radio Freedom and the Zambian national broadcaster. The article argues that Zambia offered immense support to Radio Freedom in the form of broadcasting equipment, working space and airtime on the external services of the national broadcaster. While it waxed and waned in the early years, this assistance increased considerably in the aftermath of the Soweto student uprising of 1976, which enabled the ANC to have a sonic presence among its supporters back home, where listening to this radio was illegal. The support given to Radio Freedom was not isolated but part of a wider struggle and solidarity with the liberation movements in the Southern African region fighting white minority rule. Through Radio Freedom, the ANC was able to shape the course of the unfolding struggle and internal political developments and to attain the cultural hegemony of the Charterist tradition over the Africanist and Black Consciousness camp." (Abstract)
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"The role of media in democratic governance is pivotal, yet its impact on democratic consolidation remains debated. This study investigates the relationship between radio activism and democratic consolidation in Ghana, focusing on the influence of political news production and communication strategi
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es by radio stations. Employing a case study design and qualitative research approach, 23 informants were selected through purposive sampling for face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The findings of the study reveal that participatory and decentralized approaches to radio broadcasting, involving collaboration between radio staff and community members, enhance the conducive environment for democratic consolidation. However, challenges such as politicization and commercialization of political news content undermine public trust in radio broadcasting. The study concludes that stakeholder engagement in political news production fosters participatory communication on radio, thus contributing to democratic consolidation." (Abstract)
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