"This article explores the links between transnational media flows and social and political change in authoritarian regimes through a conjunctural study of Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a Burmese exile media organization. Drawing on observation and interviews conducted at DVB's Oslo studio during
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the 2010 elections in Burma as well as documentary research, the article explores how diasporic media may contribute to democratization in a military regime where press freedoms and political expression are severely curtailed. The first section draws on Appadurai's theory of global flows to scrutinize transnational flows of people, capital, media, ideas and technology contributing to DVB's operations from 1992 to 2010. The next section engages with theories of media and democracy in order to examine DVB's innovative satellite television coverage of the 2010 elections. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the ongoing relevance of opposition media based outside of Burma amid liberalization measures undertaken by Thein Sein's nominally civilian government in 2011." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes the Palestinian sketch comedy show Watan Ala Watar, placing the groundbreaking program in the context of theories of satire, government control, and popular resistance. Detailing the show’s tumultuous relationship with the Palestinian Authority, the article argues that despi
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te publicly supporting Watan Ala Watar so as to create the impression of a liberal media regime, the government ultimately could not accept the existence of uncensored political comedy. However, the article shows that through the use of new media, the program has continued to have an impact despite the government’s refusal to put it on air." (Abstract)
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"Ruling elites often try to co-opt civil society groups, and in times of political or military crises they can attempt to control the national information infrastructure. But a defining feature of civil society is independence from the authority of the state, even in countries such as Saudi Arabia a
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nd Egypt. And in important ways, digital communication networks are also independent of any particular state authority. What has been the impact of digital media on political communication in Muslim media systems? How have tools such as mobile phones and the internet affected the process of forming political identity, particularly for the young? When do such tools change the opportunity for civic action, and when do they simply empower ruling elites to be more effective censors? In this chapter, we analyze the best available micro-level data on technology use and changing patterns of political identity and macro-level data on networks of civil society actors." (Introduction)
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"An extraordinary wave of popular protest swept the Arab world in 2011. Massive popular mobilization brought down long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, helped spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, and fundamentally reshaped the nature of politics in the region. New media -
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at least that which uses bit.ly linkages - did not appear to play a significant role in either in-country collective action or regional diffusion during this period. This lack of impact does not mean that social media - or digital media generally - were unimportant. Nor does it preclude the possibility that other new media technologies were significant in these contexts, or even that different Twitter or link data would show different results. But it does mean that at least in terms of media that use bit.ly links (especially Twitter), data do not provide strong support for claims of significant new media impact on Arab Spring political protests. New media outlets that use bit.ly are more likely to spread information outside the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry. This dissemination could be significant if it led to a boomerang effect that brought international pressure to bear on autocratic regimes, or helped reduce a regimefs tendency to crack down violently on protests. It is increasingly difficult to separate new media from old media. In the Arab Spring, the two reinforced each other. New media must be understood as part of a wider information arena in which new and old media form complex interrelationships. Of the four major Arab Spring protests analyzed - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Bahrain - large differences were found across the four in the amount of information consumed via social media. The events in Egypt and in Libya (#jan25 and #feb17, respectively) garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs than those in Tunisia and Bahrain." (Summary, page 3)
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"Die Protestwelle nach der umstrittenen Präsidentschaftswahl im Iran vom Juni 2009 lenkte die Aufmerksamkeit der Weltöffentlichkeit auf die lebendige Internetkultur der Islamischen Republik. Das Internet, heißt es, befördert den gesellschaftlichen Wandel in Ländern wie dem Iran, doch inwiefern
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unterscheidet sich das Netz von den Printmedien? Stellt es tatsächlich eine neue öffentliche Sphäre dar? Welchen Einfluss haben soziale Netzwerke wie Facebook, Twitter oder YouTube auf die Organisation von Demonstrationen? Bringt die iranische Blogosphäre eine Kultur des Dissidententums hervor, die das islamistische Regime am Ende zu Fall bringen wird? Diese wegweisende Studie bietet Einblicke in die Internetkultur im heutigen Iran und untersucht die Auswirkungen der neuen Kommunikationsformen auf Gesellschaft und Politik. Die Autoren warnen davor, "Blogger" mit "Dissident" gleichzusetzen, denn auch das Regime hat längst mit der "Kolonisierung Blogistans" begonnen. Das Internet, so eine ihrer Thesen, bringt Veränderungen mit sich, die weder die Regierung noch die Demokratiebewegungen vorhersehen konnten und können. "Blogistan" ist nicht nur eine Fallstudie zur Internetaneigung in der islamischen Welt, sondern das Buch macht auch deutlich, welche Auswirkungen die Neuen Medien auf gesellschaftliche Strukturen und Prozesse haben." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The May 2011 general election has been the most contested and most discussed in Singapore’s history. Prior to the polls, the government relaxed the rules on election campaigning in the Internet. For the first time in the highly wired city-state with its tech-savvy population of 5 million people,
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opposition parties had the chance to mobilize supporters via social-networking media like Facebook and Twitter. Bloggers used cyberspace extensively for political debate and comment. While the ever-ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) posted its worst result in decades, the opposition gained historical victories, at least by Singapore standards. Observers were quick to label the polls as an “Internet election”, implying that media activism in the city-state’s cyberspace had a decisive impact on the ballot. A more measured reading of the election outcome, however, suggests that the polls were not decided in Singapore’s web. The voters’ choice was largely influenced by bread-and-butter issues as well as a call for divergent voices in politics and more control of the government. Although online political expression since the mid-1990s has challenged the PAP’s authoritarian rule and has changed Singapore’s political culture, its impact in electoral terms has so far been limited. The PAP still keeps the city-state tightly under control, online and offline, and is likely to continue its dominance in the foreseeable future. It remains to be seen if Internet media activism can push the city-state towards an open democracy." (Abstract)
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"Following the revolutions, the battle for the Arab blogosphere has turned from being a competition over accessing the Internet and circumventing government controls to a cyberwar for the predominant narrative through Facebook, Twitter, and traditional media [...] Social media is reinvigorating trad
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itional print and broadcast media, including satellite networks, which are adopting multi-platform strategies [...] Social media is serving as political cover: News outlets are recognizing the benefit of using social media to preempt official repercussions by disseminating sensitive stories first on social media sites and in other cases to gauge possible reaction before going to print or air [...] Numerous media observers and professionals have complained that professional journalists, citizen journalists, bloggers, activists, and pro-government contributors in the region lack ethics, do not understand libel, practice incitement, and fail to meet other international journalism and legal standards [...] While user-generated content is plentiful, authenticating this content can take up valuable resources. Training for citizen journalists and non-journalists who are online would help established media outlets and the public to gauge the accuracy and authenticity of news and information." (Executive summary, page 8-9)
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"The Tunisian media is still a venue for manipulation, intimidation, and bias. Media outlets are becoming the main stage for the fierce political and ideological battle between the country’s opposing camps: conservative Islamists and secular elitists. Ennahda, the Islamist winner of the first free
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elections in the history of this deeply secular country, gradually awakened to the ongoing influence of the national media and turned to old regime tactics. The Islamist party and its supporters are raising their voices against what they view as the “leftist lobbies” that are turning the media into a weapon against government policies. The true liberalization of the media sector will be impossible without the training that instills professional standards in the industry and helps members of the Tunisian media overcome entrenched habits. Guaranteeing journalists a degree of job security must also be a priority. As long as working conditions remain a concern and journalists are unable to secure decent contracts with reasonable stability and salaries, the quality of content will not be a priority." (Summary, page 1)
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"There seems little evidence that the rise and increasing availability and range of new media have given real reason to expect different political outcomes on grounds of new patterns of mobilization, particularly given a persistent “digital divide.” What has been happening, though, is an increas
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e in politicization broadly, and especially among urban youth, who form a formidable and aggressively-courted portion of the voting public. Those young voters with a partisan preference are more likely now than previously to exercise that preference, not just by voting, but also by finding and engaging with information and likeminded communities online or off. At any time, media are critical to movements for sociopolitical change, beyond elections. The spread of online news sites, blogs, social networking sites, and other new media increases the odds of media coverage of all sorts of engagement going forward, and may shift the locus of framing away from the state. All the while, the quantum of information in circulation—unfiltered and constant—grows accordingly, begging strategies for selecting what to read and what to ignore. The result is unlikely to be revolutionary, and could simply entrench existing patterns of identity politics all the more deeply, but is more likely to make Malaysia more participatory, and hence, more democratic in its politics." (Abstract)
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"Zimbabwean journalists and civil society activists in the diaspora have employed humour not merely to mock or ridicule but to conscientize people, and to raise attention for and awareness of the situation in Zimbabwe, including the social, economic and political realities and everyday life concerns
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and hardships experienced by ordinary people in the country. This article explores how diasporic Zimbabweans have made use of the freedoms in their current locations and of new media and other means to express their dissatisfaction with the Zimbabwean government and the state of affairs in their home country through satire and related forms of political humour. This article focuses particularly on the dissemination of cartoons and satirical messages from liberal host countries through the Internet. It is argued that political humour in the Zimbabwean diaspora has a counter-discursive function and serves as a ‘medium of communicating dissent’." (Abstract)
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"In Zeiten der Globalisierung, in denen Komplexität und Vernetzung immer mehr zunehmen, sind politische Inhalte und politische Prozesse kaum noch zu durchschauen und die Schwierigkeiten "der Politik" diese zu vermitteln, scheinen zunehmend größer zu werden. Gelingt die Politikvermittlung jedoch n
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icht, besteht die Gefahr, dass die Politikverdrossenheit oder die Politikdistanz der Bürgerinnen und Bürger zunimmt und die Legitimation der Demokratie gefährdet. In diesem Band setzen sich namhafte Autoren mit der Frage auseinander, was sich in demokratischen Systemen geändert hat, so dass die Legitimation der Demokratie durch Politikvermittlung kaum noch bewältigt werden kann. Dabei wird deutlich, dass Politikvermittlung kein einseitiger kommunikativer Vorgang, sondern ein reziproker Prozess ist, an dem eine Vielzahl von Akteuren des politisch-administrativen Systems und des intermediären Systems beteiligt sind. Im Zentrum stehen dabei die Parteien, die Massenmedien einschließlich des Internets und Fragen des Verhältnisses von Politikvermittlung und internationale Beziehungen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"As the oldest surviving privately owned newspaper in Nigeria, the Nigerian Tribune (NT) provides a classic example of how newspapers come to serve a common cause while at the same time projecting the personal ambitions and interests of their founders. This article examines the challenges of private
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newspaper ownership in Nigeria using the NT as a case study. The article is situated within the context of theories on the political economy of media with emphasis on the propaganda model. It argues that in spite of NT’s contribution to the nationalist struggle and the process of nation-building, the newspaper was a potent political weapon in the hands of its owner. The use to which it was put by the successor-owner lends further credence to this claim. The article concludes that among other factors, a combination of dynamism and ideologically driven partisanship is needed to sustain newspapers and improve their effectiveness." (Abstract)
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"In China as elsewhere, netizens have made new demands upon government and challenged conventional media to respond to popular concerns. Established approaches to controlling the media may be otiose; Party leaders are stressing the value of cooperation rather than confrontation and calling for a new
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relationship between media and authority. This article examines how the department of a city government traditionally tasked with controlling the media and shaping opinion is seeking to come to terms with the calls from the centre and, in the process, think up a different kind of relationship with the media. From dealings with press officers over four years, the authors identify a reflective and dynamic response to the present challenges. The respondents speculate that arrangements being put in place to deal with the new media environment may change fundamentally the relationships between authority and citizen, and the authors evaluate this." (Abstract)
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"This investigation is about how Chinese overseas online commentators (COOCs) respond to political discourses on China. COOCs present the ideological heterogeneity of Chinese overseas. Their diverse responses to different ideological debates show patterns that manifest how the Chinese diaspora enact
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their positional cultural identification. The analysis of the data showed that on both sides of the divide, the debate leads commentators to assume positions of attachment to, or detachment from, their Chinese cultural affiliations not in a set of binary oppositions but as a continuum with varying degrees. Along this division line, internal fragmentation can be further identified by different views of China’s external tension with other world powers. The notable internal complexity can arguably represent the nation’s maturation." (Abstract)
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"This article examines debates about national identity in the media landscape of post-referendum and post-independence South Sudan. Having never existed as a sovereign state and with its citizens being a minority group in Sudan, collective action among South Sudanese has historically been shaped in
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response to external pressures: in particular, the aggressive nationbuilding pursued by successive Khartoum governments that sought to Arabize and Islamize the South. Today, in the absence of a clear-cut enemy, it is a major challenge for South Sudan to devise a common identity that unites the putative nation beyond competing loyalties to ethnicity, tribe and family. Analysing opinion pieces from South Sudanese online media and placing them in the context of contemporary African nationalism, this article gives an initial overview of the issues that dominate the public debate on national identity: fear of tribalism and regionalism, commemoration of the liberation struggle, language politics, and the role of Christianity." (Abstract)
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