"Characterized by socio-political changes, instability and conflict since 1990, Nepal is a nation in political transition. The media play a significant role in influencing this transition. Since 1990, various global and local factors have contributed to an unprecedented growth in the mass media in N
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epal. This article analyses the expansion in the media against indicators of media pluralism to ask whether this expansion, within a difficult political transition, translates to media pluralism. The article draws upon qualitative research to assess the media market, the resources available for the media, diversity in media ownership and products, competition and ethics and policy and regulatory provisions within a struggling economy and an environment of poor law and order." (Abstract)
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"This paper reflects the adaptation and transformation of the Chinese party-state's government strategy in the digital era. Through a discourse analysis of the current Chinese debate on the role of microblogs in China, it argues that China's political elites have revised their social management stra
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tegy. They now tend to base their political decision-making on strategic calculations that reflect online public opinion in order to increase the system's efficiency and to generate a new kind of performance-based legitimacy. This turn to a more responsive mode of governance has been driven by the findings of Internet surveys and reports provided by Chinese research institutes and advisory bodies. A close reading of these documents and reports helps to answer the question of why authoritarian states such as China do not prohibit the spread of new communication technologies, even though these are said to have triggered or at least facilitated the rebellions of the Arab Spring." (Abstract)
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"We will, in this paper, argue that the concept of propaganda is still relevant in the context of post-communist Hungary. More particularly, we will suggest that, in contrast to the period 1998-2010 when modern political marketing methods were applied widely, the political campaigns launched under V
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iktor Orbán’s second government (2010–present) have marked a paradigm shift in the history of political communication in Hungary, best described as the revival of old-school propaganda. First, drawing on a distinction by Gunther and Diamond between proto-hegemonic and pluralist parties in the political realm, we will attempt to establish a theoretical dichotomy between political propaganda and political marketing in the communicative domain. Then we will demonstrate – through an analysis of three campaigns launched during the past three years – that the communication of the ruling proto-hegemonic Fidesz party and its Christian Democratic coalition ally meets the criteria of classic political propaganda. Finally, we will apply neo-Durkheimian media theory to describe the selected political campaigns as communication rituals and attempt to show that political propaganda may, under specific circumstances, actively involve, engage and mobilize target audiences." (Abstract)
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"Philip N. Howard and Muzammil M. Hussain examine the complex role of the Internet, mobile phones, and social networking applications in the Arab Spring. Examining digital media access, level of grievance, and levels of protest for popular democratization in 16 countries in the Middle East and North
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Africa, Howard and Hussain conclude that digital media was neither the most nor the least important cause of the Arab Spring. Instead, they illustrate a complex web of conjoined causal factors for social mobilization. The Arab revolts cascaded across countries largely because digital media allowed communities to realize shared grievances and nurtured transportable strategies for mobilizing against dictators. Individuals were inspired to protest for personal reasons, but through social media they acted collectively." (Publisher description)
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"By delving into the detailed account of the Tunisian uprising, this article offers an explanation that sets the 2010 uprising apart from its precursors. The 2010 uprising was successful because activists successfully managed to bridge geographical and class divides as well as to converge offline an
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d online activisms. Such connection and convergence were made possible, first, through the availability of dramatic visual evidence that turned a local incident into a spectacle. Second, by successful frame alignment with a master narrative that culturally and politically resonated with the entire population. Third, by activating a hybrid network made of the connective structures to facilitate collective action – among Tunisians who shared collective identities and collective frames – and connective action – among individuals who sought more personalized paths to contribute to the movement through digital media." (Abstract)
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"This paper focuses attention on randomised field experiments in the developing world that explicitly address the use of media to achieve democracy and governance (DG) outcomes [...] The first section describes the growth of DG assistance and the increasing interest in DG field experiments. The seco
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nd section describes the domain of media assistance targeted at DG outcomes. The third provides an overview of current experimental and quasi-experimental studies on the intersection between media, democracy and governance. The fourth and fifth sections describe some of the challenges to successfully employing field experiments to inform media assistance programmes. The final section concludes by arguing for the benefits of practitioner-academic collaborations that provide experimental evidence about the influences on as well as the effects of media content related to democracy and governance." (Page 4)
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"This paper reveals that Cambodian newspapers have tendency towards being biased to their political affiliations. According to the findings of this study, Cambodian newspapers have three inclinations: pro-government, opposition, and neutrality. The pro-government and opposition newspapers are the ma
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jority in circulation. Most news articles published by these newspapers favor their own party‘s endeavors and concerns rather than the common public interest. There are also a small number of newspapers that claim to be neutral and independent from any political attachments. In contrast, the independent newspapers‘ contents serve public interest and are more in-depth. The case study on media coverage on the detention of 13 Beoung Kak activists, which is on the latter part of this study, proves this assertion. While it has been found that there are a few Khmer language newspapers that publish articles on this incident regularly, results of the content analysis suggests that English language newspapers more regularly and actively observe the developing story of the dispute ranging from less to most important events. Majority of the news focus on accidents, crime and land issues. This research has also observed that newspapers give more attention to recent events and issues rather than prioritizing on ongoing social problems. Opinion-based articles, news analysis of social issues and editorial are rarely published. Although editorials are appear in some newspapers, they are used to attack their enemy instead of providing solutions on the problems. When compared to English language newspapers, news reporting in some Khmer language newspapers lacks professionalism and ethical practice. In terms of news coverage, both Khmer and English newspapers are more focused on their reporting on events in Phnom Penh and undermine the news from provincial areas of Cambodia. Respondents agreed that media has an important role in building peace in Cambodia and that the local print media has yet to fulfill this crucial role due to economic, professional, and self-imposed ethical limitations. There is an immense need to educate and re-educate many Cambodian journalists to their responsibility to the public and their power to effect positive change, which includes sustainable peace." (Executive summary)
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"Egypt’s revolutionary uprising in 2011 raised important questions about the kind of journalism that would be viable in the country’s changing political dynamics. Suddenly the output of bloggers, online radio and social media news operations, which had all formed part of the groundswell of actio
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n against dictatorship and repression, posed an explicit challenge to journalists in state-run and commercial media companies who were more directly subject to government controls. As different interest groups struggle over the country’s future, Naomi Sakr considers emerging visions of journalism in Egypt. In this book she charts recent transformations in Egyptian journalism, exploring diverse approaches to converged media and the place of participatory cross-media networks in expanding and developing the country's body of professional journalists. She analyses journalist’ initiatives for restructuring publicly owned media and securing a safe and open environment in which to work." (Publisher description)
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"Investigative Reporter des afrikanischen Netzwerks FAIR decken in transnationalen Teams skandalöse Missstände auf. Trotz ihrer Erfolge gibt es kaum Grund zur Euphorie – auch wegen der Europäer." (Seite 10)
"The review starts by elucidating the potential role of the media as a democratising agent. We then explore the relationship between media reform and institutional change during democratisation periods, and move to review the literature on the contribution of media to institution building and due pe
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rformance in Central and Eastern Europe. We continue the discussion on the effectiveness of media for democratisation by assessing the relationship between political accountability and the accountability function of ‘watchdog journalism’ in Latin America. This is followed by a review of major works that look at the media as an instigator to or determinant of changes in individuals’ political attitudes or behaviour during periods of democratisation. Later, we discuss in detail the relationship between the media and change for democracy in the most recent region of interest in terms of potential democratisation, the Arab world, and finally, we assess the media’s revolutionary roles in regime changes with particular focus on the rising debate about the connection between social media and the Arab Spring." (Executive summary)
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"This book provides an accessible and systematic introduction to the media in transitional democracies. It analyses the problems that occur when transforming the media into independent institutions that are able to inform citizens and hold governments to account. The book covers the following topics
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: normative conceptions of media and democracy; the role of the past in the transition process; the internet as a new space for democratic change; the persistence of political interference in emerging democracies; the interlocking power of media markets and political ownership; the challenges to journalistic professionalism in post authoritarian contexts; the role of the media in divided societies. The book takes a global view by exploring the interplay of political and media transitions in different pathways of democratization that have taken place in Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia. It will be of interest to advanced students and scholars who want a better understanding of the media outside established Western democracies. The book will also be of great value to policymakers and activists who are involved in strengthening the media in transitional democracies." (Back cover)
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"The paper aims to address some of the theoretical and normative issues involved in transforming post-authoritarian media systems, which have been described and analysed in the country studies of this working paper series. The discussion starts by introducing the concept of ‘social constructivism
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as an effective theoretical tool to understand processes of institutional change in processes of democratic transition. Two key elements of media systems serve as examples to demonstrate the ‘social construction’ of norms and practices in different social and political contexts: partisanship and pluralism. While partisanship is seen as a deficiency of media systems, albeit widely practiced, pluralism is valued as an indispensible norm of democratic media, yet difficult to achieve." (Introduction)
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"The June 2013 protests in Brazil caused a veritable political earthquake. Initially demanding the right to affordable public transportation, hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets to express their discontent, which gradually came to include the sluggish progress made in public heal
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th and education, corruption and high spending on the upcoming sporting events, all the while demanding more rights and the strengthening of democracy in the country. The media played a decisive role in the protests. While commercial broadcasters sought at first to stigmatize and criminalize the protesters as “vandals”, they were later forced to change, at least partially, their editorial stance by the excesses of police violence. Live coverage of the events on the streets by the alternative press provided diversified information and alternative interpretations that were disseminated on the social media, thus contributing to move up the debate on the democratization of communication on the public agenda. Any political reform must be preceded by a reform of the broadcasting regulatory framework or, at least, of the articles of the Constitution specifically addressing communication. The right to communication is a crosscutting issue as it not only strengthens media plurality, but also ensures civil, economic, and collective rights." (Abstract)
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