"Contributors to the volume explore various questions concerning the opportunities and constraints for governance associated with the startling growth in digital technologies in the Global South. In areas of limited statehood, places where the reach of the state is limited and weak, can mobile phone
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s, geographical information systems, and other digital technologies help fill the governance vacuum? In general, Livingston and Walter-Drop conclude with the contributors that where missing governance is information-based (bits), digital technology has a tremendous impact. Yet a major constraint is found in its ability to fill the governance vacuum concerning the provision of material collective goods (atoms)." (Abstract)
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"The author argues that differences in media freedom and in the politicization of the news media are rooted in differences in party structures between old and new democracies, and, notably, the fact that young parties in the new members of the European Union are short of resources, which makes them
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more likely to take control of and to exploit media resources. The book takes a closer look at five former communist countries (Hungary, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia) to explain variations in media freedom and the politicization of the news media in and across countries. It offers general country descriptions as well as detailed case studies of the media policies and party backgrounds of two governments in each country." (Publisher website)
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"The Cambodian Communications Assistance Project (CCAP) is a sub-national governance project, working with four provincial departments of information (PDI) – Battambang, Kampong Cham, Kampot and Siem Reap. It started in May 2012 and is due to be completed in December 2014. The project, with a budg
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et of $3,554,662 is funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and is implemented by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s International Development department (ABC ID) in partnership with the Cambodian Ministry of Information as well as the four provincial departments. The Department of Media and Communications (DMC) at the Royal University of Phnom Penh has also been a partner in the project [...] Overall, CCAP has been very successful in meeting the three objectives and outcomes set for the project and contributing to Australian Aid’s overall objectives. There have been a number of challenges it has had to overcome including the coinciding of the project with a turbulent time in Cambodia’s political environment as well as capacity limitations of counterparts and varying degrees of hesitancy and suspicion on the part of some senior provincial officials." (Executive summary, page 3-5)
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"Turkish television has undergone a distinctive transformation since the early 2000s in which new regulations, rapid market growth, and political pressures have interacted with and transformed each other. As Turkey set new records in 2013 for the highest number of journalists arrested worldwide, tel
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evision dramas have suffered from their fair share of political pressures, while the contemporary political agenda has, in turn, infiltrated the content of television dramas. This article analyzes the ways in which Turkish television dramas appear as a sphere of political contest." (Abstract)
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"This chapter explains the innovative social change strategies that civil society stakeholders, exploring the appropriation and development of information and communications technology (ICT) tools and techniques for the empowerment of ordinary citizens, have sought to develop and carry out in practi
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ce. The chapter addresses the communicative dimension of ICT and social accountability. It looks at a new generation of social accountability practices that through their creation of a solid evidence base seek to facilitate citizens’ direct forms of interaction with public service providers and government officials. The chapter demonstrates that social accountability mechanisms indeed constitute intentional processes of communication for social change and are beneficially studied empirically by the dominant methodological approaches of the communication for social change (C4SC) discipline." (Summary)
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"Using case studies from countries such as Burma, Mexico and Uganda, the study explores whether the use of technology in citizen participation programs amplifies citizen voices and increases government responsiveness and accountability, and whether the use of digital technology increases the politic
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al clout of citizens. The research shows that while more people are using technology—such as social media for mobile organizing, and interactive websites and text messaging systems that enable direct communication between constituents and elected officials or crowdsourcing election day experiences— the type and quality of their political participation, and therefore its impact on democratization, varies. It also suggests that, in order to leverage technology’s potential, there is a need to focus on non-technological areas such as political organizing, leadership skills and political analysis." (NDI website)
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"In 2010 the Open Democracy Advice Centre undertook a comprehensive review of the state of whistleblowing in South Africa, entitled 'The Status of Whistleblowing' (2010). Three years on, the whistleblowing landscape is due another review. Research demonstrates that progress has not merely halted in
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the current context, but that in fact South Africa appears increasingly hostile to whistleblowing activities. It is not just legislative provisions that may require review, but other broader environmental recommendations are also needed in order to properly enable whistleblowing. This publication looks at how to create an environment in South Africa that can encourage whistleblowers to act – this means not looking at law alone, and understanding that interventions are required at multiple points in the whistleblowing process if people are to feel supported enough to disclose." (Introduction)
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"This article reflects on efforts to identify evidence about the role of media in fragile states. It explores and compares findings from two research projects and focuses on some of the lessons that have emerged from these exercises as well as on the relevance of the findings for media development.
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While we know that media matters in areas such as conflict, reconciliation and peacebuilding, neither of the reviews of the literature found substantial evidence supporting some of the widespread claims about the importance of media, suggesting how elusive this evidence can be." (Abstract)
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"The institutionalisation of democracy in Ghana (1992) and Nigeria (1999) after years of military regimes facilitated the need to reform old media structures that supported authoritarian regimes into institutions that would facilitate the democratic process. The media reform initiatives embarked upo
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n by both countries liberalised the media environment to create a free and independent media that would support the transition process by offering a platform for public debate, aimed at enhancing political participation. Using policy analysis and elite interviews, this article examines the reforms in both countries, and the extent to which Western countries/ donors impacted on their policy formulation and implementation processes. The author argues that these countries’ historical, political and socio-cultural antecedents have affected the praxes of their media reforms, and as a result their objectives have not been fully realised." (Abstract)
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"Der Autor porträtiert 23 Länder aus sechs Weltregionen. Anschließend bildet er mittels des pragmatischen Differenz-Ansatzes sechs Modelle heraus: Das liberale Modell, das Public-Service-Modell, das Klientel-Modell, das Schock-Modell, das Patrioten-Modell und das Kommando-Modell. Dabei zeigt sich
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: In Ländern wie China, Syrien, dem Iran oder auch Weißrussland fungieren die Medien als Lautsprecher der Herrschenden. In den USA, Brasilien oder auch Deutschland und Frankreich sind sie eher Widersprecher. Doch auch dazwischen gibt es ein breites Feld von Ländern wie Russland, Libanon oder Italien, in denen eine Ambivalenz zwischen Lautsprechern und Widersprechern besteht, deren Kräfteverhältnis sich immer wieder verschieben kann." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"To conclude, it is helpful to consider the work reviewed here under the headings provided by Beetham (2002)'s definition of democracy: popular control, and political equality. With respect to popular control, it seems to be the case that the Internet facilitates a "way in" for citizens in a democra
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cy to aquire information about, engage with, and even influence the key institutions that make up a democratic polity [...] For political equality, the prospects are a little less bright. There is abundance of research to suggest that the Internet may actually reinforce the disadvantages of lower income and low levels of education and these demographics may overtake age as the most important demographic for understanding Internet use." (Conclusion)
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"Use of Ukrainian vs. Russian in news content is not important for the vast majority of adults; trust in content is key to reliance on sources. Ukrainian TV channels remain the top news sources for adults across ethnic groups and regions (other than Crimea), and offer news trusted by large majoritie
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s overall, and by over half of ethnic Russians. 5Kanal's weekly reach has surged closer to those of top channels, but is a top news source for fewer in the south and, as with 1+1, in the East. Will the rise of Vkontakte, ukr.net, Ukrainska Pravda, Hromadske.tv and other digital media as top news sources continue? Will major changes in the media Crimeans use for news last? Will other websites follow VKontakte into the list of top sources there?" (Media Landscape Summary, page 21)
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"This paper examines the potential uses of community radio in political awareness, especially in Nigeria where community radio is not yet in existence. The existence of community radio in other parts of Africa but not Nigeria leaves a void because there may be a lot of uses to which community radio
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can be put to. This study explores the “would be” relationship between community radio and political awareness especially at the grassroots in Nigeria. Using a survey of radio producers, announcers, correspondents, reporters and other broadcast professionals who understand the concept and have had some experience with community radio elsewhere, the study finds that effective programme selection and scheduling will be essential to raising political awareness in Nigerian communities when such stations start operation. Also, interactive approaches in radio programme production will give listeners a chance to clear their doubts and seek illumination on complex issues. Radio producers, announcers, correspondents and reporters should realise that community radio will be a viable tool in raising political awareness in Nigeria, only if used appropriately. Lessons from other countries (where strategies in raising political awareness via community radio have been successful) should be learnt and used when community radio sets foot in Nigeria." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes the term 'citizen journalism' against the backdrop of the Arab uprisings in order to show how it overlooks the local context of digital media practices. The first part examines videos emanating from Syria to illustrate how they blur the lines between acts of witnessing, report
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ing, and lobbying, as well as between professional and amateur productions, and civic and violent intentions. The second part highlights the genealogies of citizenship and journalism in an Arab context and cautions against assumptions about their universality. The article argues that the oscillation of Western narratives between hopes about digital media's role in democratization in the Arab World and fears about their use in terrorism circumscribe the theorization of digital media practices." (Abstract)
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"The current investigation utilizes data from 44 diverse countries (n = 57,847), collected as part of the World Values Survey, to broaden our understanding of trust in media. The aim is two-fold-to learn about individual-level correlates across contexts and to demonstrate that macro-level factors pl
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ay a part in shaping such trust. Our findings indicate that levels of political interest, interpersonal trust, and exposure to television news and newspapers are positively correlated with trust in media, while education and exposure to news on the Internet are negatively associated. On the macro level, postmaterialism emerged as a consistent predictor of trust in media. State ownership of the media industry did not have a main effect on trust in media after controlling for other factors. However, an interaction was found between state ownership and level of democracy: state ownership of television is positively associated with media trust in democratic societies and negatively associated with trust in media in nondemocratic societies." (Abstract)
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"Media Systems and Communication Policies in Latin America proposes, tests and analyses the liberal captured model. It explores to what extent to which globalisation, marketization, commercialism, regional bodies and the nation State redefine the media's role in Latin American societies." (Publisher
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description)
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"In Making Democracy Fun, Josh Lerner offers a novel solution for the sad state of our deliberative democracy: the power of good game design. What if public meetings featured competition and collaboration (such as team challenges), clear rules (presented and modeled in multiple ways), measurable pro
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gress (such as scores and levels), and engaging sounds and visuals? These game mechanics would make meetings more effective and more enjoyable -- even fun. Lerner reports that institutions as diverse as the United Nations, the U.S. Army and grassroots community groups are already using games and game-like processes to encourage participation. Drawing on more than a decade of practical experience and extensive research, he explains how games have been integrated into a variety of public programs in North and South America. He offers rich stories of game techniques in action, in children's councils, social service programs and participatory budgeting and planning. With these real-world examples in mind, Lerner describes five kinds of games and 26 game mechanics that are especially relevant for democracy. He finds that when governments and organizations use games and design their programs to be more like games, public participation becomes more attractive, effective and transparent." (Publisher description)
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