"Self-censorship habits are entrenched in the practices of Egyptian journalists, who largely perceive their role as servants of political masters. Even though the debate on reforming media was high on the agenda during the time of the revolution, this subservient perception did not change. Journalis
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ts were still struggling to cope with a new environment where they could operate without instructions. The deep political polarization between pro-Islamists and pro-liberals under the Brotherhood rule transformed media into the favourite platform for political spin. The newfound liberty was translated into a chaotic expression of unfounded views and rumours [...] Egyptian media reform requires a complex operation involving both legal reform and institutional review of media practices and professional standards." (Executive summary)
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"The survey administered for this issue measures public attitudes and perceptions towards the adoption of social media by Arab governments for the purpose of public service delivery. Respondents were asked about their usage of government social media pages, their perceptions of benefits and risks in
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volve in using social media for service delivery, perceptions towards possible improvements in government’s use of social media, and government and civic social media practices. Overall, our findings show that perceptions about the use of social media were positive – 55% of respondents said they strongly support the use of social media by government for the design and delivery of public services. Respondents had high expectations of the benefits of using social media for citizen engagement for the purpose of improving service delivery. They agreed that social media made government entities and officials more accessible and collaboration more feasible." (Page 7)
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"This paper examines the extent social media is enabling e-democracy in Fiji, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The study conducts an interpretative case study approach interviewing active social media users, political actors, civil servants, civilians, civil society actors and tertiary students. The stu
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dy also conducts a content analysis of popular “political social media” Facebook pages in these three countries. The findings of the study suggest that social media is playing a role in facilitating citizen engagement with governments, making governments accountable and providing a means for citizens to be informed, to discuss and share views on political matters. However, social media usage is evolving quite differently in these three countries and factors such as high levels of militarism (Fiji), high levels of corruption (Solomon Islands) and also rapid ICT development (Vanuatu) have contributed towards shaping the potential of social media as a democratic enabler and political tool in these countries." (Abstract)
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"The Kremlin exploits the idea of freedom of information to inject disinformation into society. The effect is not to persuade (as in classic public diplomacy) or earn credibility but to sow confusion via conspiracy theories and proliferate falsehoods. The Kremlin is increasing its “information war
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” budget. RT, which includes multilingual rolling news, a wire service and radio channels, has an estimated budget of over $300 million, set to increase by 41% to include German- and French language channels. There is increasing use of social media to spread disinformation and trolls to attack publications and personalities. Unlike in the Cold War, when Soviets largely supported leftist groups, a fluid approach to ideology now allows the Kremlin to simultaneously back far-left and far-right movements, greens, anti-globalists and financial elites. The aim is to exacerbate divides and create an echo chamber of Kremlin support. The Kremlin exploits the openness of liberal democracies to use the Orthodox Church and expatriate NGOs to further aggressive foreign policy goals." (Executive summary)
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"Russia still aspires to influence the news media in the former Soviet republics. The objective appears to be to manipulate their media environments in order to promote dependence on Russia and distrust of the West and to help Russia to pursue its political and commercial objectives–such as persua
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ding former Soviet republics to adhere to the Eurasian Customs Union or promoting opposition to the United States and NATO. The push by Russia to influence the media among its near neighbors not only marks an important thrust of Russian foreign policy, it also poses a major challenge to the international media development community." (CIMA website)
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"This policy briefing offers an empirical contribution to evolving thinking on governance within the international development landscape. Using the example of media, we argue that interventions designed to foster demand-based accountability may not be as successful in some fragile settings as more d
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iscursive platforms that aim to tackle problem-solving collectively. The paper thus underscores the need for locally embedded approaches to governance support that are both adaptive and reflective." (Conclusions)
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"Social Media and the Politics of Reportage explores the journalistic challenges, issues and opportunities that have risen as a result of social media increasingly being used as a form of crisis reporting within the field of global journalism, with a focus on the protests during the 'Arab Spring'."
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(Publisher description)
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"This article revisits the current interplay between the government, the market, civil society, and the media in contemporary Indonesian political communication. Previous research showed a striking increase in the numbers of both Internet and social media users as well as cases of social media influ
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ence on the democratization process. Some scholars have pointed out the limitations of social media, such as the simplified narratives, larger media systems, and dominant meta-narratives. This includes the ‘many clicks, little sticks’ phenomenon, meaning that only a few of the many clicks resulted in widespread activism in the vast social media environment. This article includes more recent and nuanced interpretations from the various actors. The activists have continued their experiments-providing two-way information, encouraging rapid interaction, creating much participation, and expanding role decentralization. In a ‘network of networks’ spirit they have been doing a lot of clicking, and learning a lot in the process." (Abstract)
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"Media consumption today takes on first order meanings that we can challenge, understand and clarify. This is where the audience learns to believe in watchdogging and vice versa. Citizen watchdog groups (Veedurias) attempt to critically understand public narratives beyond first order meanings that a
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re not necessarily oppositional. These readings provide a new opportunity to understand the medium, and the audience that obtains some satisfaction by listening to radio, listening to local or international music, and by watching and interacting with TV programming. Citizen watchdog groups and observatories confront the challenge of watching, debating and proposing in order to achieve a better understanding of the public world from their own private worlds. These groups and observatories are located in that interaction between public and private issues in the mass media, tracing the footprints left by public/private/intimate actors. Citizen watchdog groups and observatories analyze the mediations and intermediations that are regularly built." (Summary)
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"Press freedom is a key component of the general level of democracy in a country. Most often, changes in the state of media freedom have happened in tandem with changes in broader freedoms, therefore making it a sensitive indicator of the overall health of a democracy. In some cases, its deteriorati
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on might even warn us about bigger forces at work and point to an emerging or consolidating regime that is moving in the direction of restricting both political rights and civil liberties. Overall data on the global trends in the past five years–as shown in the global average overall and subcategory scores in the Freedom in the World report–reinforces this assertion." (Conclusion)
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"In the early 1990s, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa’s most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of
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its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution’s most ambitious goals." (Abstract)
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"The Ethiopian government, led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has developed one of the most restrictive systems for the regulation of new media in Africa. So far, most discussion has focused on the measures employed by the EPRDF to prevent the Internet and mobile p
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hones from becoming tools for opposition forces to challenge the regime. Much less attention has been paid to the strategies pursued in order to make new media work in support of the government's ambiguous but ambitious attempt to make Ethiopia a developmental state. Examining the period between 1991 and 2012, this article explores how the EPRDF gradually moved from a simple strategy of information control towards incorporating new media into its state- and nation-building efforts through large-scale projects such as Woredanet and Schoolnet. Larger trends at the international level, including the securitization of development and the growing significance of China in Africa, have legitimated the use of the media to serve development outcomes, and have facilitated the spread of the kind of ‘developmental media system’ that has emerged in Ethiopia. The article concludes that only by engaging with these systems on their own terms and “going with the grain” can we develop a better understanding of how they work and how to change them." (Abstract)
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"ESOMAR and WAPOR recognise there are particular issues in the collection and reporting of opinion poll and survey information and have therefore issued this Guideline as part of the self-regulatory framework that applies to international research. It highlights the responsibilities of researchers t
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o conduct opinion polls in a professional and ethical way, and report them with sufficient transparency so that the public can judge the quality of results. Both will help ensure public confidence in opinion polls and published surveys. This Guideline: sets out the ethical rules that opinion researchers must follow; underlines the rights and safeguards to which participants are entitled; highlights the key information to be made available to maintain transparency when results are published; specifies standards to guide the agreements to be in place with those who commission polls to ensure published survey results are presented in an unbiased way; highlights the core methodological principles that apply in the design and conduct of such research; underlines some of the additional issues that arise with specific forms of opinion polls." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The election protests in Moscow in December 2011 signified an important moment for Russian society. Political dissent, historically reserved for the private domain of Soviet kitchens and in recent years to the regulation-free space of the Russian Internet (RuNet), entered the public space of Moscow
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streets. Just like the protests revealed the long-held tension between the political discussion (and action) in Russian public and private spheres, the coverage of the protests by different media brought to light similar struggles in Russian journalism. This project combines the textual analysis of the protests' coverage by two progovernment and two oppositional media with the analysis of their connections to the RuNet-a space that played an important role in the protests' organization and coordination. The project aims to gain a deeper understanding of the role RuNet-a private space that increasingly becomes more public-plays in the development of Russian journalism." (Abstract)
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"This article essentially shows how the development of commercial television in Indonesia has conflicted with the country’s media democratization, as illustrated by the growth of local media in the past 15 years. Compared to print media and radio, which are decentralized, Indonesia’s television
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industry is dominated by five large media corporations that are all based in the capital city of Jakarta. As a consequence, this fails to leave much growing space to television stations at a local level, which would be needed to strengthen Indonesia’s democratization. Media owners have successfully influenced the government in establishing a set of policies that sustain their dominance of the industry. Players within the television industry have even successfully swayed the direction of the broadcasting decentralization mandated by the Broadcasting Bill during Indonesia’s early political Reform period. The influence of these ‘Jakarta television stations’ stunted the development of television stations outside of Jakarta. Not only it deprives local actors of the economic value of developing their own television industry would bring, it also has resulted in the the loss of television's potential in functioning as a public sphere facilitating social control over democratic processes. Although the Reform era promised a new age of media democratization, the centralization of commercial television actually worsened media monopolies that were thought to have been done away with in post-Suharto Indonesia." (Abstract)
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"The question of when and how the media can bring about social and political change is a perennial one. We know more about what does not work than what does. Even so, donors increasingly ask for proof of media impact and they often hope that data will provide the answer. New tools can provide inform
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ation about engagement and consumption patterns. Software that analyzes language can help demonstrate changes in the way subjects are framed and that can serve as a proxy for how societies look at different subjects. But data cannot address the intangibles that can not be quantified and so may not tell us much about the role that media can play over the long term in creating open societies. Donors should not expect simple, short-term answers to what are complex political economy questions." (Executive summary)
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"This dissertation is a study about the growth and development of media in Afghanistan and its role and contribution to national and international collective efforts to build a modern, stable and democratic Afghanistan in the last decade. In pursuing my dissertation, I have examined the Afghan media
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landscape by focusing on the regulatory environment, the type and breadth of broadcast and print media, the role of donors and foreign aid and the extent to which media has a played a role in fostering democracy in the country. The dissertation concludes with analyzing the future of Afghan media and freedom of expression following the departure of foreign forces and international community at the end of 2014 and their impact on sustainability of media in light of support they have received from the outside world. The dissertation concludes that, while there are challenges ahead, Afghan media has benefited from a decade of foreign assistance, has contributed to fostering democracy in Afghanistan and can stand on its own with the decline of foreign aid to Afghanistan in the future." (Abstract)
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